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Watchdog calls for investigation into Wilbur Ross

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The inspector general of the Commerce Department should investigate whether Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross has complied with ethics and disclosure rules on several fronts, according to a new complaint from Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington.

Citing a Center for Public Integrity investigation, the Washington, D.C. watchdog group is asking, among other things, that the inspector general look into possible conflicts related to Ross’s stake in Diamond S Shipping Group Inc., one of the world’s largest owners and operators of medium-range tanker vessels.  

Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) also questioned whether Ross’s participation in certain trade matters violated conflict of interest rules, given his Diamond S Shipping stake.

The Center for Public Integrity in November reported that a Commerce Department spokesman said Ross had divested his stake in Diamond S Shipping following the investigation. The complaint notes that Ross “has yet to report a sales transaction for these assets.”

CREW additionally recommended that the inspector general probe ”omissions and irregularities” in Ross’s reporting of other assets, including stakes in the Bank of Cyprus and Navigator Holdings Ltd., another shipping company, and look into whether the commerce secretary has divested all the assets he agreed to divest.

“The CREW complaint is filled with errors,” said James Rockas, Commerce Department press secretary, in an email. “Secretary Ross has divested his holdings in the funds which own Navigator Holdings, Diamond S Shipping, and Bank of Cyprus, as well as other securities, even though the divestitures of Navigator and Diamond S were not required by the Office of Government Ethics.” Ross also submitted reports explaining the divestments, which the Office of Government Ethics will release “in due course,” Rockas said.

The complaint also cites reporting by Forbes on discrepancies between Ross’s required personal financial disclosure form and previous statements about the scope of his wealth.

“Taken as a whole, Secretary Ross’s conduct suggests a pattern and practice of ignoring, if not flouting, his legal and ethical obligations to disclose his interests and avoid conflicts of interest and raises concerns about whether he was deliberately trying to obfuscate the value of his extensive assets,” CREW communications director Jordan Libowitz said in a press release.

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New hope, new problem: Will Federal Election Commission shut down?

Liberals and conservatives agree: Ex-congressmen should put brakes on lobbying careers

Watchdog demands Federal Election Commission crack down on fine-dodging nonprofit

 

U.S. Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, pictured at the 2017 SelectUSA Investment Summit.Ashley Balcerzakhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/ashley-balcerzakhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2017/12/22/21449/watchdog-calls-investigation-wilbur-ross

The Center for Public Integrity's top stories covering the federal government from 2017

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On the heels of a rousing campaign season and with a new president in power, the Center for Public Integrity's federal politics team had no shortage of stories to cover.

Some of the gems we've uncovered this year: a Republican hideaway secretly bankrolled by corporations and trade groups, along with a look at the forces that propelled the Supreme Court’s controversial Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission case into being.

Here are this year's top political stories:

Republican lawmakers’ posh hideaway bankrolled by secret corporate cash


Paul Sancya/AP

While campaigning, Donald Trump said he couldn't "look the other way" when the nation's political system “sold out to some corporate lobbyist for cash.” But behind the scenes, several major corporations and trade groups secretly bankrolled a plush hideaway for lawmakers at the same Republican National Convention in Cleveland where Trump gave the speech.

>>Keep reading

Wilbur Ross will shepherd Trump’s trade policy. Should he also own a shipping firm?


OpenStreetMap

After an investigation by the Center into Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross' investment in Diamond S. Shipping — one of the world’s largest owners and operators of medium-range tanker vessels — Ross divested from the firm, which had ties to China, Iran and Russia. Prior to his divestment, critics raised questions about whether overseas shipping investments were appropriate for Ross, who is among the Trump administration’s most influential trade policy players.

>>Keep reading

Cities to Trump, Clinton and Sanders: pay your police bills


AP

Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders may not remember much about the rallies they each held last year in Green Bay, Wisconsin. But officials at Green Bay City Hall sure did. And they were miffed the three politicos stiffed them on police protection bills totaling $24,000. Green Bay wasn't alone. (And many cities, including Green Bay, are still awaiting payment.)

>>Keep reading

Kochs key among small group quietly funding legal assault on campaign finance regulation


Getty / AP

The billionaire Koch brothers are well-known for pumping tens of millions of dollars into so-called “dark money” nonprofits — groups that actively promote or criticize candidates for office but are not required to reveal their donors. Not so well known is the duo’s role in underwriting and sculpting the legal landscape that led to the court decisions that made possible these and other groups such as super PACs.

We investigated an array of organizations that have participated in legal challenges dating back 40 years — challenges that have resulted in a system allowing unlimited sums to be pumped into modern elections. It’s a system that both Republicans and Democrats now fully rely upon ahead of 2018 midterm elections that could reaffirm — or torpedo — President Donald Trump’s congressional majority.

>>Keep reading

>>Related: How slamming campaign finance laws helped Greg Gianforte get elected

Scofflaw politicos ignore federal fines — with few consequences 


AP / AP / Zero7 Images / AP

In July 2016, the Federal Election Commission slapped the 60 Plus Association with a $50,000 fine, charging that it hadn’t revealed its donors as legally obliged. But 15 months later, the Virginia-based 60 Plus Association has only paid one-tenth of its fine. The FEC, meanwhile, isn’t forcing the 60 Plus Association’s compliance — or anything close.

>>Keep reading

>>Related: Watchdog demands Federal Election Commission crack down on fine-dodging nonprofit

Veterans charity raises millions to help those who’ve served. But telemarketers are pocketing most of it.


Mark J. Terrill/AP

Think your money's going to charities for veterans? You may want to take a closer look. We investigated a web of charities connected to a Virginia group that raises millions of dollars for veterans, but spends $9 out of $10 on overhead and telemarketing costs. That group is now entering politics.

>>Keep reading

>>Related: Charities employ controversial telemarketers to tug on heartstrings — and loosen purse strings

Democrats say ‘Citizens United’ should die. Here’s why that won’t happen.


J. Scott Applewhite/AP

Seizing on the specter of Russian election influence, Democrats have ramped up their effort — with minimal effect — to blunt Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, the controversial 2010 Supreme Court decision that unleashed a torrent of special interest spending on U.S. elections. But none of the two dozen bills introduced have had a single formal hearing, much less an up-or-down vote in either the U.S. House or Senate.

>>Keep reading

>>Related: Statehouses, not Congress, hosting biggest political money fights

Members of Congress scoring personal loans from political supporters


Andrew Harnik/AP

We looked at the mandatory personal financial disclosure forms filed by all current members of the House and Senate and found that at least 19 have accepted loans from organizations or moneyed individuals instead of a bank or traditional financial institution.

Often, these organizations and individuals rank among the lawmakers’ key political supporters. In two of these cases, the loans were made to members' spouses.

>>Keep reading

Comeback for 'legalized money laundering' in party politics?


Charles Dharapak/AP

A Center analysis of campaign finance data shows Democrats and Republicans alike are now aggressively trafficking in a new — and perfectly legal — kind of soft money, enabled by a 2014 Supreme Court decision — the latest in a series gutting major parts of a law championed by John McCain that was enacted in 2002. We looked at how that new tactic is also changing political fundamentals.

>>Keep reading

Steve Bannon has a shadow press office. It may violate federal law.


Susan Walsh/AP

In an arrangement ethics experts said is without precedent and potentially illegal, the White House referred questions for Stephen K. Bannon to an outside public relations agent while he served as a a senior presidential adviser to Trump. The agent's firm at the time said she was working for free.

Alexandra Preate, a 46-year-old New Yorker and veteran Republican media strategist, described herself as Bannon's "personal spokesperson." But she also collaborates with other White House officials on public messaging and responses to press inquiries.

>>Keep reading

>>Related: Steve Bannon misreports $2 million debt in financial disclosure

President elect Donald Trump poses with law enforcement officers after a rally Sunday, March 13, 2016, in Bloomington, Ill. Hillary Clinton is pictured in Reno, Nev., Thusday, Aug. 25 2016, Bernie Sanders is pictured in Philadelphia, Thursday, July 28, 2016.  https://www.publicintegrity.org/2017/12/25/21419/center-public-integritys-top-stories-covering-federal-government-2017

The unexpected jobs your state lawmakers have outside the office

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On weeknights and weekends, Rep. Stephen Meeks rides in his Toyota Corolla with official state representative license plates to serve his Arkansas constituents.

But instead of handing out lawn signs and voter registration forms, he brings them pizza. 

Meeks, a Republican representing a “slice” of Central Arkansas, is one of the longest serving members of the House of Representatives and a part-time pizza delivery man.

“The main difference of going door to door as a politician and a pizza delivery guy is that when the pizza guy shows up everyone is always excited,” Meeks said.

Like Meeks, state legislators around the country often have other jobs — and sometimes more than one — that they’ll be juggling with their official duties when many legislative sessions start in the next few weeks. In an investigation published earlier this month, the Center for Public Integrity and The Associated Press found that at least 76 percent of state lawmakers holding office in 2015 reported outside income or employment.

The Center analyzed disclosure reports from 6,933 lawmakers in the 47 states that required them to pinpoint lawmakers’ income or employment.  The review found numerous examples of state lawmakers around the country who have introduced and supported legislation that directly and indirectly helped their own businesses, their employers or their personal finances.

Most states have what are known as “citizen legislatures” that meet only a few months of the year. By design, they don’t pay their legislators enough to make a living, so unless lawmakers are retired or wealthy, they typically need other sources of income.

The investigation showed many state lawmakers were either attorneys, or somehow involved in real estate, but a few worked minimum wage jobs including delivering pizzas or waitressing. Others had somewhat unusual professions, such as horror movie producer, alligator hunter, hula dancer and reindeer herder — all occupations they say make them better legislators.  

“A lot of people like the idea that their lawmakers understand what it’s like to work a regular job and go to work on a regular basis, just like most of them do,”  Meeks said as he donned his Papa John’s cap and shirt before a night of deliveries in the district he represents.

Flying Reindeer

Sen. Donald Olson, a Democrat from Alaska, spends January to May at the state capital in Juneau and the latter part of the year in his rural hometown of Golovin where he flies helicopters and herds reindeer.

Olson grew up in the town, population 160, but some of his ancestors come from a long line of reindeer herders who migrated from Northern Europe to Alaska more than a century ago. His love for flying was instilled by his father, a bush pilot, who disappeared into a blizzard in 1980.   

Today, Olson owns Polar Express Airways and the air taxi service company, Olson Ventures, in addition to being a doctor and father of six. The 64-year-old has lived a life fit for the silver screen, but if someone were to make a movie about him, it could easily be entirely focused on a reindeer rescue mission he orchestrated in 1992.  

It was a few weeks before Christmas when Olson and a hand-picked crew of reindeer herders landed on the frozen beaches of Hagemeister Island. The 24-mile-long island is home to an uninhabited wildlife refuge in Bristol Bay some 400 miles southwest of Anchorage. 

The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service had sent marksmen to the island to kill a herd of more than 1,000 reindeer that had grown out of control. Reindeer are not native to Alaska and many of them had begun to starve.

When Olson learned about the “mercy killings,” he quickly organized and financed a rescue mission. He spent several days herding and loading dozens of reindeer into a World War II-era cargo plane. After three trips, they had saved about 125 reindeer but harsh winter weather forced them to halt their efforts.

“During the second trip, when we didn’t have a reindeer herder on board, one of the reindeer got loose and got into the cockpit,” Olson recalled, laughing. “That caused a fair amount of excitement.” 

Before the 2000 elections, he decided to run for office when he said he realized the Alaska Senate was lacking perspective he could offer. He now sits on multiple committees where he can lend his expertise, including ones addressing the Arctic, finance, health and social services.

“I can make the tough decisions because if I’m re-elected, good, but if I’m not, then I have other things I can live off of,” Olson said.

“But these people who don’t have any other life besides being a politician — so they become career politicians — I think those are dangerous,” he added.          

A unique perspective

Del. Saira Blair, a Republican from West Virginia, might not be flying helicopters but her life has definitely been a whirlwind since 2014, when she was elected as the youngest state lawmaker in U.S. history at age 18.

Now 21, Blair, was re-elected last year to serve a second term in the House of Delegates representing the people of District 59 in the state’s Eastern Panhandle. At the same time, she’s been balancing school and an outside job as a nanny.

Blair’s father is Craig Blair, a Republican member of the West Virginia Senate and owner of a water treatment company, Sunset Water Services, according to his 2015 financial disclosure statement

Blair was a freshman at West Virginia University when she first ran for delegate. In between classes and campaigning, she worked as a waitress at restaurants near campus. But since winning a seat in the House, Blair has had to skip the spring semester at school and quit whatever job she has at the time to serve her constituents.

“I couldn’t keep up with those jobs while being in the session,” Blair said. “You have to pick up and move to Charleston and stay there from January to March, so any other second job you put on hold for three months at a time.”  

In West Virginia, delegates meet for 60 consecutive days, which is considered part-time. Still, Blair said she spends a lot of time outside the session assisting constituents, studying state issues and campaigning.

It is difficult in West Virginia to make a living doing only legislative work. Lawmakers there make a salary of $20,000, not counting per diem allowances, making it one of the legislatures with the lowest pay, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. Only 10 states, including, Alaska, California and New York, pay legislators enough to make a living, according to the June report. 

In Arkansas, the pizza-delivering Meeks earns about twice as much as Blair for his legislative work but said it’s still not enough to support his family of three. That’s why he started delivering pizza on nights and weekends.

Meeks, 47, said he worked as a computer technician for a small company in his hometown of Conway before he was elected in 2010. Meeks said they struggled financially through his first term, so, after winning his first re-election, he began delivering pizza.

“I was looking for something that gave me flexibility so I could serve my constituents and this job allows me to do that,” he said.     

When Meeks goes door to door delivering pizza to his constituents, he gets more than just monetary tips for his timely service. He gets a rare glimpse into people’s lives and how his legislative votes affect the community he serves.

“I can tell if it’s a single mother scraping together dimes and quarters to give her children a special treat,” Meeks said. “This job helps keep me grounded and it keeps me from losing my perspective of the average person.”

MORE LAWMAKERS' UNEXPECTED JOBS

Legislators from around the country noted the following outside jobs in their financial disclosures covering 2015:

CONFLICTED INTERESTS: 

State lawmakers often blur the line between public's business and their own

Find your state legislators' financial interests

Q&A: What we learned from digging into state legislators' disclosure forms

Conflicted Interests: Stories from the states

Arkansas state Rep. Stephen Meeks, a Republican, works as a delivery man for Papa John's Pizza.Kristian Hernándezhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/kristian-hern-ndezhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2017/12/26/21432/unexpected-jobs-your-state-lawmakers-have-outside-office

Environment and labor: The top stories this year from the Center for Public Integrity

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Who has been Big Oil's secret ally?

Who was cheated as federal contractors prospered?

Those were the questions the Center's environment and labor team probed this year as part of its continued focus on the ways that pollution, global warming and other aspects of the environment affect health and livelihoods, and how dangerous workplace conditions put employees at risk.

See which stories made the list:

Death in the Trench: Jim Spencer suffocated under a pile of dirt in Nebraska — a grim reminder of the weakness of America’s worker-safety law


Courtesy of Cheryl Spencer

Jim Spencer, a plumber, had been on his knees outside a home construction project, laying sewer pipe in an eight-foot-deep trench, when a co-worker driving a backhoe inadvertently buried him in dirt.

The two companies managing the project were fined $24,800 and $16,800, respectively. “To me, that was nothing,” said Jim Spencer's wife, Cheryl. “How is it you can kill somebody with a car and get charged with vehicular homicide, and kill somebody in a trench and get a slap on the wrist?”

>>Keep reading

Natural gas building boom fuels climate worries, enrages landowners


Leanne Abraham, Alyson Hurt and Katie Park/NPR

They landed, one after another, in 2015: plans for nearly a dozen interstate pipelines to move natural gas beneath rivers, mountains and people’s yards. Together, these new and expanded pipelines would double the amount of gas that could flow out of Pennsylvania, Ohio and West Virginia, with cheap fuel that developers promised would benefit consumers and manufacturers.

But some scientists warn that the rush to more fully tap the rich Marcellus and Utica shales is bad for a dangerously warming planet, extending the country’s fossil-fuel habit by half a century.

>>Keep reading

The United States of Petroleum: Government’s secret alliance with Big Oil


National Archives and Records Administration

Since its formation at the end of World War I, the American Petroleum Institute has embedded itself in the U.S. government. Decades ago, the institute embarked on a campaign to sell Americans on a fossil-fuel future, and that campaign has continued, despite dire warnings of climate change that API heard as early as 1959. The group now encompasses every sector of the oil and gas industry, from drilling to plastics manufacturing.

The industry's influence has come at a steep cost to the public. The institute has helped block or stall action on climate change, consistently putting profit ahead of health. API is now working to undermine bedrock environmental laws that promise Americans clean air and water — all while promoting deeper and riskier drilling in places long off limits.

>>Keep reading

Sunshine State lags on solar power, doubles down on natural gas


Jamie Smith Hopkins / The Center for Public Integrity

The irony is rich. The Sunshine State taps the sun for less than half a percent of its electricity while making two-thirds with natural gas — a fuel that Florida must pipe in from other states.

Many have called this a risky bet. A coastal state already suffering punishing effects of global warming shouldn’t keep building power plants that pump even more greenhouse gases into the atmosphere, the Sierra Club warned. But Florida’s power providers and their state regulators haven’t reconsidered their strategy. In fact, they’re doubling down on it.

>>Keep reading

The invisible hazard afflicting thousands of schools


Courtesy of Stephon Litwinczuk

In traffic-clogged Southern California, plenty of people grasp the dangers of kids attending class close to busy roads and their largely invisible clouds of air pollution. But that's not nearly so well understood in the rest of the country — even though the problem stretches from coast to coast.

Nearly 8,000 U.S. public schools lie within 500 feet of highways, truck routes and other roads with significant traffic, according to a joint investigation by the Center for Public Integrity and Reveal from The Center for Investigative Reporting. That’s about one in every 11 public schools, serving roughly 4.4 million students and spread across every state in the nation. Thousands more private schools and Head Start centers are in the same fix.

>>Keep reading

Fleecing America’s builders


Maryam Jameel/Center for Public Integrity

Last year, the federal government spent more than $40 billion on contracts covered by the Davis-Bacon Act. But a Center investigation found that about 70 percent of the businesses caught violating the law in 2016 don’t appear in federal databases designed to track companies’ contracting records.

Weak oversight allows subcontractors in particular to shortchange workers on government projects with little fear of being caught or barred from future contracts. Meanwhile, their overseers often maintain clean labor records and continue to win government business.

>>Keep reading

Big Oil’s grip on California


Elizabeth Fladung

Known nationally as a laboratory of progressive values and environmental protection, California is perhaps the last place one would expect Big Oil to hold sway. The state has passed some of the toughest energy regulations in the country and set aggressive new goals to cut greenhouse-gas emissions.

Obscured by the headlines, however, is oil’s enduring power in the Golden State. Long before Silicon Valley, medical marijuana and sushi burritos, crude was king. Today, California is the third-biggest oil-producing state, behind only Texas and North Dakota.

>>Keep reading

Oil’s pipeline to America’s schools


Illustration by Eben McCue

Decades of documents reviewed by the Center for Public Integrity reveal a tightly woven network of organizations that works in concert with the oil and gas industry to paint a rosy picture of fossil fuels in America’s classrooms. Led by advertising and public-relations strategists, the groups have long plied the tools of their trade on impressionable children and teachers desperate for resources.

>>Keep reading

America's biggest greenhouse-gas polluter, and the place that relies on it


Eric Chaney/weather.com

Up close, the biggest emitter of greenhouse gases in the United States isn’t as big as you’d expect it to be. From most angles, you can’t even see it until you’re right on top of it.

To some, the plant is a pollution-belching monster harming both the environment and the health of communities. To others, it's a a source of good-paying jobs, a means to raise a family in an area where economic opportunities are thin.

>>Keep reading

Workers cheated as federal contractors prosper


Maryam Jameel/Center for Public Integrity

Each year, thousands of contractors enriched by tax dollars skirt federal labor laws and shortchange workers. In fact, U.S. Department of Labor data show that upwards of 70 percent of all cases lodged against federal contractors and investigated by the department since 2012 yielded substantive violations. But many of these violators go on to receive more federal contracts. An Obama administration effort to change that practice was derailed in late March by President Donald Trump. 

The Center for Public Integrity examined a subset of 1,154 egregious violators — those with the biggest fines, highest number of violations or most employees impacted — included in the Labor Department’s Wage and Hour Division enforcement database and cross-referenced them with more than 300,000 contract records from the Treasury Department.

>>Keep reading

A sliver of Chevron's massive Kern River Field in Bakersfield.https://www.publicintegrity.org/2017/12/26/21422/environment-and-labor-top-stories-year-center-public-integrity

The Center for Public Integrity's top national security investigations in 2017

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Earlier this month, President Donald Trump announced his national security strategy. He called for America to move away from nation-building, and focus instead on military strength and safety within U.S. borders.

In the past year, the Center has investigated both threats from abroad and from within — and, as our Nuclear Negligence series showed, threats within the confines of our own defense establishments.

Here's a look at some of our top investigations from 2017:

Nuclear Negligence

Our six-part series examined safety weaknesses at U.S. nuclear weapon sites operated by corporate contractors. What we found: Unpublicized accidents at nuclear weapons facilities, including some that caused avoidable radiation exposures. We also discovered that the penalties imposed by the government for these errors were typically small, relative to the tens of millions of dollars the government gives to each of the contractors annually in pure profit.

Here's the full series, where you'll find the following:

A near-disaster at a federal nuclear weapons laboratory takes a hidden toll on America’s arsenal


Illustration by Joanna Eberts

Technicians at Los Alamos National Laboratory placed rods of plutonium so closely together on a table in 2011 that they nearly caused a runaway nuclear chain reaction, which would likely have killed all those nearby and spread cancer-causing plutonium particles.

The accident triggered an exodus of key engineers from Los Alamos who had warned the lab to take better precautions, and their actions led in turn to a nearly four-year shutdown of key plutonium operations at Los Alamos.

>>Keep reading

Light penalties and lax oversight encourage weak safety culture at nuclear weapons labs


Illustration by Joanna Eberts

The plan on a hot summer day was to liquefy highly flammable lithium at a temperature of more than 750 degrees and then pump it into a special chamber for cooling, as part of a research project at Sandia National Laboratories in New Mexico. But what happened instead in August 2011 was a near-catastrophe that could easily have killed two workers.

DOE called the incident a “near miss to serious injury or fatality,” and its Sept. 25, 2014, notice of violation to Sandia Corp., a Lockheed Martin subsidiary, cited four Severity Level I violations, which can result in injury or death, and three lesser Severity Level II violations. It proposed a civil penalty of $412,500 — a penalty waived by the Department of Energy.

The strange tale of what happened at Sandia and how the Energy Department reacted to it is not an aberration, though — instead, it’s part of what’s become a pattern that some experts consider alarming.

>>Keep reading

Nuclear weapons contractors repeatedly violate shipping rules for dangerous materials


Illustration by Joanna Eberts

Plutonium capable of being used in a nuclear weapon, conventional explosives, and highly toxic chemicals have been improperly packaged or shipped by nuclear weapons contractors at least 25 times in the past five years, according to government documents.

While the materials were not ultimately lost, the documents reveal repeated instances in which hazardous substances vital to making nuclear bombs and their components were mislabeled before shipment. That means those transporting and receiving them were not warned of the safety risks and did not take required precautions to protect themselves or the public, the reports say.

>>Keep reading

More in national security:

Military trainees at defense universities later committed serious human rights abuses


Rebecca Blackwell/AP

The Defense Department trained at least 17 high-ranking foreigners at some of its top schools who were later convicted or accused of criminal and human rights abuses in their own countries, according to a series of little-noticed, annual State Department reports to Congress.

Those singled out in the disclosures included five foreign generals, an admiral, a senior intelligence official, a foreign police inspector, and other military service members from a total of 13 countries, several of which endured war or coups.

>>Keep reading

Trump pick for Air Force boss frustrated auditors with lucrative, murky consulting for nuclear weapons labs


Eric Draper/AP

A federal inspector contacted the Energy Department fraud hotline a few years back to flag irregularities in contracts that several nuclear weapons laboratories had signed with a former New Mexico Congresswoman whom President Trump has designated to become the new Air Force Secretary. A far-reaching probe ensued in Washington after the hotline contact, which ended in a demand that the weapons labs give back nearly a half-million dollars to the government. The former Congresswoman, Heather Wilson, has said she did not do anything wrong in trading on her Washington experience to become a “strategic adviser” to the labs.

But internal Energy Department documents obtained by the Center for Public Integrity make clear that some of the contracting irregularities stemmed from demands specifically made by Wilson in her negotiations with the labs.

>>Keep reading

Can Trump single-handedly order a nuclear attack on North Korea?


Andrew Harnik/AP

Could the United States launch a nuclear attack on North Korea, even before it is attacked? And could President Donald Trump order such an attack on his own?

These once improbable questions have been vigorously discussed in the capital since Trump this summer raised the prospect of raining “fire and fury” on North Korea in response to the isolated country’s military threats, and then weeks later claimed that North Korea faced “total destruction” if the United States felt it had to defend itself against an attack.

>>Keep reading

https://www.publicintegrity.org/2017/12/27/21423/center-public-integritys-top-national-security-investigations-2017

The Center's top stories on state politics from 2017

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What happens in the federal government often trickles down to the states. And what happens in state government can have a huge impact on your life and livelihood.

We continued to probe the hidden influences on state politics this year and what they could mean for you. We also made some of the data we found easily accessible to anyone.

Here's a look at the stories that topped the list:

Conflicted Interests: State lawmakers often blur the line between the public's business and their own


Brian Witte/AP

State lawmakers around the country have introduced and supported policies that directly and indirectly help their own businesses, their employers and sometimes their personal finances, according to an analysis of disclosure reports and legislative votes by the Center for Public Integrity and The Associated Press.

We compiled those reports into an easily accessible library that you can search, including by state or using a specific address to find your legislator. See the full story, explore the library and check out the stories that have come out of the project so far.

>>Keep reading

>>Explore the disclosure form library

>>Stories from the states

Scores of state lawmakers took trips subsidized by controversial Turkish opposition movement


Chris Post/AP

Just why exactly would 151 state legislators from places like Idaho and Texas accept subsidized junkets from a Turkish opposition group now blamed by that country’s government for an attempted coup in 2016? It’s puzzling that state legislators who rarely get involved in foreign policy matters have been courted with international trips. It’s especially surprising for the invitations to come from a powerful religious movement that until recently ran media outlets and a bank before falling out with the government in Turkey, a pivotal U.S. ally that serves as the gateway to the Middle East.

The Center documented the extent of the trips and found that some state lawmakers who attended them later introduced resolutions supporting the controversial Hizmet movement or backed their network of U.S. charter schools.

>>Keep reading

Big Oil’s grip on California


Elizabeth Fladung

Long before Silicon Valley, medical marijuana and sushi burritos, crude was king. Today, California is the third-biggest oil-producing state, behind only Texas and North Dakota. Over the past six years, as the state has won international praise for its efforts to fight climate change, Big Oil has spent more than $122 million on campaign contributions and on lobbying to boost production, weaken regulatory agencies and shape energy policy.

>>Keep reading

Surge of women run for office in first major races since Trump's win


Kristian Hernández/Center for Public Integrity

Nationwide, preliminary numbers for the 2018 elections show 66 women have announced their candidacy or shown interest in running for governor. This is more than the number of women who ran during the 2010 and 2014 elections combined.

Despite the increased numbers, though, some experts say surges of women running for office have occurred previously and it will take more to fill the gender gap in U.S. politics.

>>Keep reading

Can anti-Trump fervor win elections? These Democrats aren’t seeing the money


Steve Helber/AP

A groundswell of anti-Trump activism helped inspire an expanded field of Democratic legislative candidates in Virginia this fall, but a Center for Public Integrity analysis found that those office-seekers lagged badly in fundraising as they prepared to face well-funded GOP incumbents.

>>Keep reading

Republican Governors Association outguns its Democratic counterpart as it gears up for next races


John Raoux/AP

The Center for Public Integrity looked at the fundraising reports for two of the largest players in gubernatorial politics. What we found: Republicans had a large cash advantage over Democrats heading into a two-year period when over two-thirds of the governors’ seats will be up for election. The Republican Governors Association raised more than $60.7 million compared with the Democratic Governors Association’s $39 million in 2016, according to the groups.

>>Keep reading

The Republican Governors Association is targeting 2017 and 2018 races after winning big in the November elections. Here, New Mexico Gov. Susana Martinez, left, speaks during a news conference with Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker, then-South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley and Florida Gov. Rick Scott on Nov. 15, 2016, in Orlando, Fla.https://www.publicintegrity.org/2017/12/28/21420/centers-top-stories-state-politics-2017

By the numbers: a 2017 money-in-politics index

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We crunched a lot of numbers this year. Here are a few that stand out.

$36,469,896: Amount President Donald Trump has already raised for his 2020 presidential reelection campaign.

$4,228,162: Total payments to Trump-owned properties by candidates and political committees during the 2016 election cycle.

96: Percentage that came from Trump-related political committees.

$237,472: Amount candidates and committees spent at Trump properties during the 2008, 2010, 2012 and 2014 election cycles combined.

12: Minimum number of registered lobbyists that donated money to Trump’s transition team, even as he ordered all lobbyists to leave the team.

$400,000+: How much former Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price spent in taxpayer funds on private flights.

151: Number of state legislators who went on trips to Turkey subsidized by groups affiliated with a controversial Turkish cleric.

90: Percent of proceeds from the Trump Victory Committee that state political parties transferred to the Republican National Committee during the 2016 election cycle.

18: Minimum number of states that considered legislation to change how much money they can give to politicians.

7: Number of states that conducted special congressional elections in 2017.

$26.2 million: Approximate amount outside political groups spent to sway voters in Georgia’s 6th congressional district special election.

5:42: Ratio of the non-candidate groups actually based in Georgia to those based elsewhere. Together, Georgia-based groups spent less than $100,000.

$5.2 million: Amount super PAC Highway 31 spent to boost Democrat Doug Jones in Alabama's special U.S. Senate election. The group has not disclosed its donors, but Politico reported the group is backed by national Democratic groups Senate Majority PAC and Priorities USA.

$55,000: How much the National Rifle Association spent on anti-Jones mailers in the Alabama race.  

$2 million: Amount of mortgage debt former White House Chief Strategist Stephen Bannon failed to properly disclose — until more than three months after Trump fired him.

45: The number of transoceanic tankers listed on the website of Diamond S Shipping. Commerce Secretary Wilbur Rossdivested his interest in the company after an investigation by the Center for Public Integrity.  

$923,100: Amount the host committee for the Republican convention received from an LLC secretly funded with corporate dollars that paid for a posh hideaway for Republican lawmakers to use during the 2016 convention.

$5,000: Contribution made in November by the political action committee of NBC Universal and Comcast to the re-election campaign of Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas. Cruz in 2015 declared “war” on NBC News and the “liberal media,” writ large.

6: Minimum number of Supreme Court justices that are millionaires. Justices report their wealth in ranges, so potentially all nine justices could be worth one million or more.

$81,837: Charges for police services billed to Trump’s presidential campaign by Tucson, Arizona’s city government in early 2016 following a large campaign rally.

$81,837: Amount Trump’s campaign owed Tucson as of Dec. 20, Tucson city manager’s office spokeswoman Lane Mandle confirmed.

100: Percent Trump has the back of police officers, Trump himself said during a speech to law enforcement officials on Dec. 15. Trump added that he is a “true friend and loyal champion” of police — “more loyal than anyone else can be.”

$6.5 million: Amount raised in private contributions for Trump’s transition.

$34,000: Amount the Federal Election Commission fined Boston-based Suffolk Construction Co. for illegally contributing money to a pro-Hillary Clinton super PAC.

$1,699,073: Amount the FEC assessed in fines, overall, during the 2017 fiscal year, as of late December.

$1.3 million: What more than 160 political committees collectively owe the FEC in fines they’ve never paid.

29: Percent of Americans who say they are at least “somewhat familiar” with the FEC.

30: Percent of Americans who say they’ve never heard of the agency.

3,000: Number of different advertisements Russian operatives sponsored and promoted via Facebook to influence U.S. politics during the 2016 campaign and beyond, according to Congress.

$8.7 million: Amount Facebook spent on lobbying the federal government in 2016.

$1.4 million: Amount Facebook spent on lobbying in 2011.

$4.2 million: Total amount the financial industry interests have given Rep. Jeb Hensarling, chairman of the House Financial Services Committee and one of the leaders working to roll back banking regulations in the Dodd-Frank law.

$162,000: The average amount the financial industry has given active House members.

$106 million: Amount telemarketing company Outreach Calling kept of the $118 million it raised for its client charities from 2011 to 2015.

$1.3 million: Amount Outreach Calling has kept of the $1.5 million raised by the Put Vets First! Political Action Committee.

10: Median number of hours each week most people think members of Congress spend “dialing for dollars.” It’s more like 30 to 40 hours.

48: Percent of people who said they oppose the controversial Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission decision.

57: Percent of people who say limits should be placed on how much money super PACs can raise and spend.

0: “Chance in hell” of congressional Democrats’ efforts to overturn Citizens United will succeed, according to a government accountability watchdog.

Allan Holmes and Liz Essley Whyte contributed to this report

Sources: Center for Public Integrity reporting, Federal Election Commission, OpenSecrets.org, Politico, Washington Post, Ballotpedia, Ipsos

Panoramic view of President Donald Trump's Inauguration on January 20, 2017 at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. Ashley Balcerzakhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/ashley-balcerzakDave Levinthalhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/dave-levinthalCarrie Levinehttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/carrie-levineSarah Kleinerhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/sarah-kleinerhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2017/12/28/21439/numbers-2017-money-politics-index

The Center's top business stories for 2017

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Net neutrality. Tax cuts for the rich. The cost of Medicare and billing mistakes — those are some of the deep dives our finance team took this past year. We looked into the ways economic policy affects CEOs, the agriculture industry and the taxpayer.

Read on for our biggest investigations in 2017, and how they could impact your money.

Trump, Wall Street and the ‘banking caucus’ ready to rip apart Dodd-Frank


Carolyn Kaster/AP

Now that Donald Trump is president, the banking industry is well on its way to accomplishing what has been its top priority goal for years: upending Dodd-Frank, the massive regulatory law that emerged from the financial crisis.

The Trump transition team website said it “will be working to dismantle the Dodd-Frank Act and replace it with new policies to encourage growth and job creation.” President Trump, while signing an executive order earlier this year to limit new regulations, told reporters he planned to “do a big number on Dodd-Frank.”

>>Keep reading

Saving face: Facebook wants access without limits


In re Facebook Biometric Information Privacy Litigation

Facebook faced a lawsuit in Illinois for storing digitized faces in its growing database. The suit is ongoing, but behind the scenes, the social network giant is working feverishly to prevent other states from enacting a law like the one in Illinois.

Tech companies, whose business model is based on collecting data about its users and using it to sell ads, frequently oppose consumer privacy legislation. But privacy advocates say Facebook is uniquely aggressive in opposing all forms of regulation on its technology.

>>Keep reading

Fraud and billing mistakes cost Medicare — and taxpayers — tens of billions last year


Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call

Federal health officials made more than $16 billion in improper payments to private Medicare Advantage health plans last year. Adding in the overpayments for standard Medicare programs, the tally for last year approaches $60 billion — which is almost twice as much as the National Institutes of Health spends on medical research each year.

James Cosgrove, who directs health care reviews for the Government Accountability Office, told Congress in July that "fundamental changes are necessary” to improve how the federal Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services ferrets out billing mistakes and recoups overpayments from health insurers.

>>Keep reading

How Trump’s immigration crackdown threatens ‘Made in America’ dairy-industry miracle


Joy Pruitt/Center for Public Integrity

Idaho's Magic Valley’s dairy boom is a contemporary rural American success story — the kind that President Donald Trump railed as a candidate is too often missing across the country. Unemployment here was less than 3 percent this summer, about as good as it gets, and optimism should be high. Yet on dairy farms, among both owners and workers, a sense of dread hangs in the dry southern Idaho air.

Why?

In a word: Immigrants.

Dairy farmers lean heavily Republican in this deeply red state of only 1.7 million people, where 88 percent of the voting-age population are non-Hispanic whites. But in the age of Donald Trump — who won Idaho handily — even the farmers who supported the new president fear the fate of their businesses is about to run headlong into a harsh political reality.

>>Keep reading

Big tax cuts for the rich, less for the poor


Lateshia Beachum/Center for Public Integrity

A group of conservative think tanks wants the nation’s tax system to look more like North Carolina’s. But so far, for the working poor, that hasn’t been a great deal.

Experts from think tanks heavily subsidized by anti-tax, free-market groups such as the Charles Koch Foundation have descended on state capitals armed with scholarly research arguing that tax cuts for the well-to-do lead to economic growth.

>>Keep reading

Trump country trade-off: Tariffs could trigger U.S. job losses


Susan Ferriss/Center for Public Integrity

In a five-county region surrounding Dalton, Ga., three-fourths of voters cast their ballots for Donald Trump. And yet, if the president follows through on one of his frequent campaign promises — to get tougher with our trading partners — some economists believe that Northwest Georgia wouldn’t become a beneficiary, but a victim.

Big time.

>>Keep reading

FCC packs broadband advisory group with big telecom firms, trade groups


Blake Dodge/Center for Public Integrity

The FCC loaded its 30-member advisory panel with corporate executives, trade groups and free-market scholars. More than three out of four seats are filled by business-friendly representatives from the biggest wireless and cable companies such as AT&T Inc., Comcast Corp., Sprint Corp., and TDS Telecom. Crown Castle International Corp., the nation’s largest wireless infrastructure company, and Southern Co., the nation’s second-largest utility firm, have representatives on the panel. Also appointed to the panel were broadband experts from conservative think tanks who have been critical of FCC regulations such as the International Center for Law and Economics and the Mercatus Center at George Mason University.

The FCC says the makeup of the BDAC and its subgroups represents a diversity of views and those who best understand the issues. But local officials say their exclusion from the committee reflects a not-so-hidden agenda — one pushed by Pai himself with help from his allies in Big Telecom: to create a set of rules that lets the telecom more easily put their equipment in neighborhoods with far less local oversight.

>>Keep reading

The future of the internet is up for grabs — theoretically


Andrew Harnik/AP

Our report from earlier this year on FCC chair Ajit Pai's road to repealing net neutrality.

>>Keep reading

Immigrant workers hold a calf to administer medicine. Farmers say they like workers who are skilled at handling animals.https://www.publicintegrity.org/2017/12/29/21421/centers-top-business-stories-2017

Watchdog dings veterans charities after Center for Public Integrity investigation

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A watchdog organization that rates charities is warningdonors about two nonprofit veterans groups  because of a Center for Public Integrity investigation published in December.

Charity Navigator has placed “concern advisories” on the Circle of Friends for American Veterans and the Center for American Homeless Veterans, which are run by retired Army Maj. Brian Arthur Hampton in Falls Church, Virginia.

Hampton’s nonprofits use telemarketing companies to raise millions of dollars each year, but the fundraisers-for-hire are keeping 85 to 90 cents out of over dollar they raise, according to an analysis of annual tax filings and state government records. Very little goes toward veterans.

Charity Navigator’s warnings about Hampton’s charities sprung from a meeting of Charity Navigator employees, who decide whether to  issue public advisories about various charities when potentially concerning information arises, whether through government agencies, the media or other sources. The Charity Navigator employees consider the credibility and timeliness of the information, as well as the nature, scope and seriousness of the allegations and whether the allegations have been proven.

“Concern advisories” are labeled “low,” “moderate” or “high.” Hampton’s nonprofits received “low concern” advisories.

The Charity Navigator committee typically issues “low concern” advisories when news organizations publish investigations about charities — as the Center for Public Integrity did in December about Hampton’s nonprofits.

The committee issues “moderate” and “high” concern advisories typically when government authorities, such as attorneys general, allege fraud against people associated with charities or secure convictions against them, said Katelynn Rusnock, advisory system manager for Charity Navigator.

Low concern advisories are prominently displayed on Charity Navigator’s website for at least six months, while moderate and high concern advisories are displayed for at least 12 months. Afterward, they’re archived, but potential donors still have access to the information.

“We try to be a way for donors to gather all of the information they need when making a gift,” Rusnock said. “If we put up an advisory, it’s because there’s something we’ve been made aware of that donors should look into before they make their donation.”

Charity Navigator contacts nonprofits before issuing concern advisories and gives their representatives time to respond. Rusnock said Hampton’s organizations haven’t responded to Charity Navigator after they were notified about the advisories.

In an email to the Center for Public Integrity on Wednesday, Hampton said hiring professional fundraisers frees up his time to work on his charities’ goals, which include educating the public and politicians about the plight of veterans.

“We respect Charity Navigator and other such charity watchdogs, however their criteria is based mostly on the cost of fundraising, because they could not be expected to be able to gauge how an individual charity makes a difference in people's lives,” Hampton said.

READ MORE:

Veterans charity raises millions to help those who’ve served. But telemarketers are pocketing most of it

Charities employ controversial telemarketers to tug on heartstrings — and loosen purse strings

A veteran holds his cane prior to a "Salute to Service" during an NFL football game on Sunday, Nov. 19, 2017, in Carson, Calif.Sarah Kleinerhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/sarah-kleinerhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2018/01/04/21452/watchdog-dings-veterans-charities-after-center-public-integrity-investigation

California Dreamers say 'We can't wait,' as they plead for Congressional action

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PORTERVILLE, Calif. — Luis Galvan, 20, enjoyed a moment of triumph in late October when he boarded a plane for the first time and flew to Indianapolis to receive his Future Farmers of America degree, a prestigious certificate of achievement in the world of agriculture. Galvan was proud that all his grueling work with livestock and crops had paid off.

But his euphoria was short-lived.

When Galvan got home he tore open an envelope waiting for him from the Department of Homeland Security. It was crushing news: He had submitted his application to renew a vital work permit for young immigrants known as “Dreamers” in plenty of time, along with a renewal fee. He received a notice back that there was a snafu over a $495 scholarship check he had submitted to pay the fee, and he promptly followed instructions to correct that. But now, this second, final notice told him his application was rejected for being late.

If Galvan can’t appeal the rejection, his work permit is set to expire Jan. 15. That would jeopardize his job tutoring junior high kids. It would affect his studies at college. It could even lead to him being deported.  

“What a bucket of cold water,” Galvan said, during a late-night interview in Porterville, the small California farm city where he grew up.

Surrounded by a sea of orchards—including oranges now flooding U.S. markets—Porterville sits in California’s vast Central Valley. Considered one of the world’s most productive agribusiness regions, the valley depends on immigrant labor. And among those who represent the region in Congress are multiple Republican lawmakers, not least of them Rep. Kevin McCarthy, the powerful GOP majority leader whose district includes Porterville.

The work permit Galvan holds stems from his status as a recipient of DACA, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program whose fate rests, in no small part, in McCarthy’s hands.

Former President Barack Obama created DACA in 2012 to allow undocumented young people brought to the United States as children to stay legally, conditionally, until, Obama said he hoped, Congress came up with a solution to help them. Nicknamed Dreamers, this population has no sure path to legal residency, no matter how long they’ve been here or how much they accomplish. DACA has temporarily protected them from deportation and allowed them to obtain work permits. On Sept. 5 though, President Donald Trump announced that he was pulling the plug on DACA, arguing in a statement that Obama lacked authority to create the program and that policy should be “fair to American families, students, taxpayers and jobseekers.” Spokeswoman Sarah Huckabee Sanders added that unemployed Americans could possibly assume DACA recipients’ jobs.

Nearly 800,000 DACA recipients were suddenly plunged into uncertainty. Dreamers whose work permits were soon to expire were given a chance to apply, one last time, for two-year renewals by Oct. 5. Many missed the tight deadline or had applications they say were denied unfairly. If nothing changes, after March, all DACA recipients will begin to lose permits in waves as each card expires. 

The situation remains up in the air. Despite his harsh rhetoric claiming Dreamers occupy Americans’ jobs, Trump too challenged Congress to come up with a legislative fix with “heart” to help Dreamers before the March deadline. A flurry of negotiations to pass such a bill collapsed just prior to the holiday break. GOP leaders now say Congress will take up DACA again this month, as part of broader debate over Trump’s demands for more border wall investments and cuts in family-based immigration.  

But the politics are complicated, and they’re especially complicated here in California, home to at least a quarter of Dreamers. Most polling, from ABC to Fox News, shows that 60 to upwards of 80 percent of Americans think Dreamers should get a chance to stay and become legalized. In and around Porterville, Dreamers and their backers angrily question why McCarthy and fellow congressmen from California’s Central Valley aren’t vigorously pushing for a legislative fix — pronto — because so many Dreamers’ lives hang in the balance.  

McCarthy declined an interview but in careful language has backed crafting a DACA fix as long as it’s coupled with more investments in border security measures. He said in a statement that he supported Trump’s position and that Congress is working on a “lawful solution to this problem.” It’s clear to everyone that McCarthy is not publicly leading a passionate charge to defend Dreamers. But the raw politics of both Washington and his district are hardly demanding that he do so — at least not right now. McCarthy won his last two elections with 75 percent and 69 percent of the vote.

Differing perspectives

On the ground in McCarthy’s district, however, where Latinos are 41 percent of the total population and 27 percent of those eligible to vote, feelings can also get more than a little raw. The 52-year-old congressman, a lifelong Bakersfield resident, represents most of Tulare County, where Porterville is located, and the majority of California’s sprawling Kern County. Kern is peppered with oil rigs that produce more oil than Oklahoma. The county is also home to military-industrial-complex interests. Kern’s formidable agribusiness production, consisting of grapes, fruit trees, scores of other crops and milk, made it the number one farm county in the nation in 2016 at $7.19 billion in value. Tulare’s farm production value was $6.37 billion. California, as a whole, is by far the nation’s biggest dairy-producing state, while also producing almost half the nation’s fruits, nuts and vegetables.  

Those stats form the basis for part of the passion here. After all, advocates for Dreamers argue, California supplies a massive quantity of the food Americans consume. And agribusiness has acknowledged for a long time that immigrants, many of them undocumented and the parents of Dreamers, are essential to creating this bounty.

“I’ve complained to McCarthy’s office: What about the Dreamers?” said John Duran, 67, a Republican in Porterville who is of Mexican descent but not an immigrant. “He needs to be doing more. But because he’s Republican he’s got to follow their agenda.”

There are no exact numbers, but McCarthy’s 23rd Congressional District is home to an estimated 7,900 young people who fit the profile of those eligible to have signed up for DACA, according to analysis of Census Bureau data by the University of Southern California. Adjacent GOP districts have as many or even more of these young people, who were eligible to sign up for DACA once they reached 16, if they had lived here since at least June 15, 2007.

Duran, a former correctional officer who’s active in local politics, said he’s generally pro-Trump and is strongly opposed to government “giveaways.” But he winces at some of the rhetoric around immigrants that’s voiced by the president and his supporters.  

Even here, where it’s plain to the eye who does a lot of hard labor, Duran said, “some people seem to have the idea that illegal immigrants don’t do anything but crime.”

Duran says he was stunned not long ago when a non-Hispanic woman spoke out at a public forum about allowing Dreamers to serve in the military to earn legal status and citizenship. “She came up to me and said if they want to get citizenship, they should serve for 20 years,” he said. “That just doesn’t make sense to me.”

Only Congress can change immigration law to open up a path that doesn’t exist now, a reality that runs contrary to misconceptions that there’s a line anyone wishing to immigrate can get into and just patiently wait a turn. A bipartisan bill introduced this past July, the Dream Act of 2017, would create a years-long path to permanent residency and citizenship for eligible young people who’ve been here at least four years prior to enactment of such legislation. But that bill did not advance. Versions of the Dream Act in Congress go back to 2001.

Beyond the details, though, some DACA recipients here say they’d just like to hear McCarthy defend them more vigorously — and act with speed.

Porterville Dreamer Marco Reyes, 20, who works as a cashier and studies at Porterville College, a community college, said: “If I talked to McCarthy I’d ask him what he’s doing behind the scenes that nobody else is doing. He must be doing something. Are you going to surprise us later, hopefully with something that’s not bad? Because with politicians you never know.”

American Dream at Stake

As Republicans bore down on passing tax reform, GOP Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky told Fox News shortly before the holiday break that “we have plenty of time” to act on DACA to meet Trump’s March deadline.

But Galvan said: “I can’t wait.”   

Even with nerves on edge, he’s got to attend classes at the local College of the Sequoias — in preparation for transfer to a four-year university — and report for as long as he can to his job tutoring 7th and 8th graders. The kids remind him of himself, when he was growing up poor but struggling to hold onto dreams.

 “After I got DACA, I went crazy,” Galvan said, explaining the sense of liberation it gave him.  “I joined every club I could. I’ve really tried to do my best.”

It’s been a long road. Galvan arrived from Mexico at five, and now he’s 20. As he was growing up, employers continued to hire people with little fear of getting penalized for “knowingly,” as the law says, hiring undocumented workers. Farm groups have long admitted that authentic-looking fake documents immigrants buy are part and parcel of how California’s factories in the fields stay open. Galvan’s dad has worked for the same agricultural employer for 15 years.

At an early December pro-DACA rally in Porterville, population 60,000, agitated locals channeled their anger about the treatment of undocumented workers.

“These people live in the shadows and break their backs so that the people of America can eat!” Rosa Salmeron, a California State University, Fresno, student of social work shouted through a bullhorn. “We’re not shadows. We are people!”  

Salmeron, 37, patted Galvan’s shoulder as he took the bullhorn at a rally in Veteran’s Park to tell the crowd about his dilemma.

Salmeron, whose parents fled El Salvador during its civil war, is a naturalized U.S. citizen and grateful, she said, for the 1986 amnesty that Congress and President Ronald Reagan crafted that allowed her and her parents a chance to legalize and then go on to become citizens. Her family members live and have businesses in McCarthy’s district, in Bakersfield.

“These people are not representing us,” she told the crowd of several dozen. She urged people to register to vote and oust local Republicans from Congress if they don’t do more for Dreamers.  “The American Dream is at stake!”

“Kevin McCarthy is my representative and it upsets me that he won’t meet to talk about this,” added Daniel Peñaloza, 24, who runs an office in Porterville set up by the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights based in Los Angeles.

Peñaloza has organized pro-DACA rallies not only outside McCarthy’s offices, but also at the offices of neighboring congressmen Rep. David Valadao, R-Hanford, of the 21st District, and Rep. Devin Nunes, R-Tulare, of the 22nd District.

Valadao, the son of Portuguese immigrants, is a dairy farmer. He doesn’t have the clout that McCarthy wields, but he’s ventured where many other Republicans won’t go. He was one of three Republicans in the House who co-sponsored a failed 2013 comprehensive immigration reform package that would put undocumented workers on an earned path to legal status, a green card.

Valadao is also one of two GOP congressmen from California who signed up to co-sponsor the Dream Act of 2017. The other co-sponsor is Rep. Jeff Denham, R-Turlock, whose 10th Congressional District also includes farm country to the north of Fresno. Both also signed a Dec. 5 letter with 32 other GOP legislators urging Speaker of the House Paul Ryan, R-Wisc., to put the Dream Act of 2017 on the floor for a vote. Ryan declined.

“As we approach the March deadline,” Valadao said in a statement, “it is more critical than ever that Congress immediately act to repair our broken immigration system and provide DACA recipients with the certainty they deserve.”

According to the Pew Research Center, almost 76 percent of Valadao’s district is Latino, and more than 39 percent of the population eligible to vote is Latino — the highest percentage among California’s 14 Republican districts in the House. Democrats hold the rest of California’s 53 House seats. Despite his pro-immigrant record, Democrats consider Valadao vulnerable in the next election.

Back in Washington, D.C., McCarthy’s communications director, Matt Sparks, addressed complaints that his boss seemed indifferent to Dreamers and would not meet with constituents unhappy that he isn’t publicly elevating their cause.  

Sparks said pro-DACA rallies have been disruptive at district offices, and interrupted other constituents’ business. He said field staff in California attend town meetings regularly, and listen respectfully to complaints aired in that setting.

He provided a statement from McCarthy: “President Trump was right to correct President Obama’s executive overreach by calling on Congress to find a solution for the children of illegal immigrants who came to this country through no fault of their own.”

McCarthy had previously told CNBC that “I don’t think this country is going to move these individuals out.” In the same interview, he acknowledged, to a point, his district’s dependence on immigrant workers. “I come from an agricultural community and I know you need a guest-worker program,” he said.  

Sparks said DACA isn’t the only immigration-related issue that constituents bring up.

Some district residents want to know about possible reforms Congress might initiate to broaden an existing guest-worker program for agriculture. Some want to talk about “chain migration,” a pejorative word coined by immigration-restriction activists to describe how immigrants, once citizens, can petition to sponsor certain relatives, including siblings and parents, to immigrate.  

“When there’s consensus around an immigration reform plan,” Sparks said, “then I think something will happen.”

Sparks also said that McCarthy’s office was open to learning more about Luis Galvan’s work permit snafu to see if staff could help.

Agribusiness view  

Grimmway Farms in Kern County is the world’s largest grower of carrots. Its owners, prominent local donors to McCarthy, declined to comment on DACA.

But Beatris Sanders, the executive director of the Kern County Farm Bureau, said that immigration issues “hit us really hard here in Kern. It’s a priority for us to have a working system.”

She said the bureau maintains “open dialogue” with McCarthy but has no official position on DACA.

 “I don’t think anyone should penalize anyone because of something beyond their control,” she added.

She also expressed sympathy for Luis Galvan when she heard his story: “I know there are many, many stories like this out there,” Sanders said.  

The Kern County Republican Party declined to comment on DACA.

In Porterville, Republican activist Susan Queen, who is a “100 percent Trump fan,” said she doesn’t think the DACA recipients, or Dreamers, should be removed from the country, and she doesn’t think Trump does either.

“Obviously I have sympathy for the kids,” said Queen, 68, a member of the California Federation of Republican Women of Southeastern Tulare County. “I think there should be some sort of way to make them legal here,” she said, “but I don’t know about citizens.”

“My dad was a judge,” Queen explained, “and I don’t like rewarding anything illegal.”

If the Dreamers are allowed to gain legal status, she said, perhaps they shouldn’t be allowed to bring in other family members later. It makes her mad, she said, to think about an old friend in Germany who wanted to live and work in the United States and couldn’t seem to ever get a visa.

Queen’s family raised animals and had groves she picked oranges from as a kid, but she’s not in the farm business and her children didn’t work in the fields.

Central Valley citrus grower Manuel Cunha, who is no liberal when it comes to business regulations he considers excessive, is a longtime proponent of legalizing undocumented farmworkers who have been here for years. The director of the Nisei Farmers League in Fresno, north of Bakersfield, he knows McCarthy well and has raised money for McCarthy and other prominent Republicans. “I’ve fundraised so much that we probably could have paid for immigration reform many times over,” he said.

“We’ve given up on some of our political people,” he said in exasperation. “The people who say the climate is not right for immigration, or it’s not the right time. Oh, but come to our fundraiser.”

Still, he was in Washington, D.C., recently to visit with members of Congress and staff and talk about undocumented immigrant workers, DACA and the future.   

“Our rural communities are made up of thousands of these folks,” Cunha said. “They’re in school or working, and they have one parent in the fields, or in the packing houses,” Cunha said, “and maybe another is in construction.”

“How simple it would be to do a DACA reform,” Cunha said. “You’ve vetted all of them already.” The current crop of young DACA recipients have already been checked for criminal records, fingerprinted, and paid into getting work permits.

“Come on, Kevin, let’s get it done,” Cunha said.

Because of the uncertainty, kids have come into his office sobbing, he said, because they couldn’t renew their permits, or they’re terrified about what’s next.  

In Bakersfield, the characterization of their parents as lawbreakers, or invaders, upsets Dreamers Eloisa Torres, 18, and Leydy Rangel, 22. Both traveled to Washington, D.C, this fall twice on trips sponsored by the United Farm Workers union so they could tell their stories to staff and members of Congress who’d listen.

“Your parents struggle,” said Torres, who wasn’t even two years old when she arrived. “They’ve told me, ‘Become something.’ ” 

She said her father was often away to accept work he was offered in construction, or in agricultural fields. She didn’t ask her parents for money to start college this year at California State University, Bakersfield. She collected cans to recycle to make initial payments, and was relieved when tuition fees dropped because of state aid. She’s thinking about becoming a lawyer.

Rangel, who grew up migrating from the Coachella Valley up through Bakersfield and beyond, picked grapes and pruned vines in the state’s vast vineyards as a child. In high school she convinced her parents to leave her alone in Coachella so she could stay and finish high school there and apply to college. She recently graduated from California State Polytechnic University, Pomona.

Every night, she worries about her parents getting deported.

Another DACA recipient in Bakersfield, Ivan Gonzalez, now 22, managed to cap off his undocumented childhood by running his way to becoming the 800 meters state champion in high school. He won a full scholarship to the University of California at Berkeley. “People didn’t care about my citizenship status when I was running track,” said Gonzalez, whose choice to attend Berkeley was featured in local news.

He’s back in Bakersfield after graduation and is working at Youth 2 Leaders Education Foundation.

He counsels parents and kids on available options for college scholarships. California legislators, over the years, have gradually passed legislation to first allow undocumented students to attend state colleges and pay in-state tuition rather than out-of-state fees. Later legislation was passed to allow students to receive state aid, not federal, to help pay for tuition. Private scholarships are out there as well. “There are people who think we don’t belong here while eating what my people are picking,” he said. He tells families to keep kids in school, no matter what happens to DACA.

Ironically, Gonzalez also participates in citizenship workshops to help immigrants with legal permanent residency prepare for testing. “You don’t know how much I wish I were in your position,” he jokes with aspiring citizens he helps.

For Luis Galvan, there’s no time to waste. He’s in a race to avoid having his DACA work permit expire. He’s talked to a lawyer, and to Mission Asset Fund, a nonprofit group in San Francisco that provided him the scholarship to pay his renewal fee. Tara Robinson, the fund’s chief development officer, said the fund issued more than 5,000 checks to DACA recipients and the majority were cashed by Homeland Security. A small number weren’t accepted, which Robinson said could have been due to a Homeland Security error. When Galvan received word from the department to resubmit his application and a new payment, he bought a money order and Mission Asset Fund later reimbursed him. Then the rejection notice arrived.

“Honestly, the first few days after that I couldn’t sleep,” he said. “My mom was crying most of the time. It’s hard. I just try holding it in.”

California State University, Fresno, student Rosa Salmeron rallies Dreamers and supporters outside the office of Rep. Kevin McCarthy, R-Bakersfield, Calif., House of Representative majority leader. Susan Ferrisshttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/susan-ferrisshttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2018/01/05/21442/california-dreamers-say-we-cant-wait-they-plead-congressional-action

These are the only two states that don't require lawmakers to disclose finances

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It’s an enduring rite of January — the convening of many state legislatures nationwide. From Albany to Honolulu to Santa Fe, many of the rituals, customs and rules that dominate state capitals are the same. But not everywhere. Legislative sessions kick off this week in Idaho and Michigan, but with a difference. 

Despite ongoing efforts to bring about reform, the Great Lakes State and the Gem State are the last remaining holdouts that don’t require lawmakers to disclose anything about their personal finances. 

And while government watchdogs say this sort of personal financial disclosure is a crucial tool for holding lawmakers accountable to the public, the prospects for change under the capitol domes in Boise and Lansing are uncertain at best.   

In Michigan, Democratic Sen. Steven Bieda has introduced seven bills since 2003 seeking such disclosures, including one bill that remains pending.  “I’ve been pushing this bill ever since I was in the House of Representatives,” Bieda said. “But, who knows, maybe it’s this article or the article that says we are the last in the country to require financial disclosures that will make us take this up and vote on it?” 

Such disclosures are commonly required for elected officials from U.S. Congress down to local offices. In the case of state legislators, the forms typically require annual filings to include a lawmaker’s primary employer, occupation, or job title and additional income or business associations.

In December, the Center for Public Integrity and The Associated Press published “Conflicted Interests,” an investigation that analyzed the disclosure reports from 6,933 lawmakers across the 47 states that required such reports. The probe found numerous examples across the country of lawmakers who have introduced and supported legislation that directly and indirectly helped their own businesses, their employers or their personal finances.

The project also revealed that at least 76 percent of state lawmakers holding office in 2015 reported outside income or employment, a necessity for many legislators given the part-time structure and pay of many of the elected positions.

Disclosure reports from Michigan, Idaho and Vermont were not included in the investigation because they did not require them at the time. Last year, in direct response to the Center for Public Integrity’s 2015 State Integrity Investigation, Vermont legislators created its first-ever ethics commission, which kicked off Jan. 1, two days before their session started. Vermont will begin requiring disclosures starting this year.

As of last week, Michigan and Idaho remain the final holdouts on disclosures.

Idaho’s session starts Monday, and a bipartisan group of state lawmakers have agreed on draft legislation that would force elected officials to disclose financial interests worth at least $5,000, according to Republican Rep. Thomas Loertscher.

He said he decided to work on the proposal because he wanted to make sure it was done in the least intrusive way possible, while reducing the number of complaints by members of the House who report others’ conflicts of interest.

“By us doing this, it should eliminate quite a bit of the need for that,” said Loertscher who is also a farmer and a rancher. “People will be able to automatically see that there is a potential conflict with almost every bill that comes through the Legislature because we are a citizen legislature.”   

Loertscher said he expects some debate on whether the bill goes too far or not far enough but is optimistic it will pass the House by the end of the session.  

In Michigan, Bieda introduced a similar bill last January that would require state or local elected officials to file annual reports, including outside income over $1,000, assets over $10,000, liabilities over $10,000, property transactions and any positions on the boards of nonprofits or corporations.

Michigan holds two-year sessions, so Bieda’s bill will still be alive when the Legislature reconvenes Wednesday. But his latest bill has received little support in the Senate, which has been controlled by Republicans since 1992. 

Craig Mauger, executive director of the nonpartisan watchdog group Michigan Campaign Finance Network, said the legislation is unlikely to move forward because many of the key power players are fundamentally opposed to this type of proposal.

“In Michigan, we currently have no idea what sources of income lawmakers have, what major investments, or what organizations they might be affiliated with,” Mauger said. “Having these disclosures gives the public the power to decide whether someone is voting on something in which they are trying to benefit themselves.”

In both Michigan chambers, it is still up to lawmakers to disclose if they have a conflict of interest, but only Senate members are banned from voting after they’ve come forward. In the House, lawmakers still have the option to vote.

Mauger used the example of former Michigan Republican Rep. Patrick Somerville to illustrate the flaw in the self-disclosure policy.  Somerville worked as an Uber driver, and sponsored an amendment that prohibited airports from outlawing rideshare providers, like Uber and Lyft, from picking up and dropping off passengers.

The House adopted the amendment in the summer of 2015, but when the bill moved to the Senate, the language was changed, Mauger said.

Somerville, who was forced out of office by term limits in 2016, told the network he mostly drove on the weekends and on University of Michigan game days during his last two years in office. “I didn’t think I was doing it enough to make it a conflict,” said Sommerville after an Uber rider recognized him and made it known to the network.

This lack of disclosure is partly why Michigan scored an F in The Center’s 2015 State Integrity Investigation and ranked worst in the country in the comprehensive assessment of state government accountability and transparency done in partnership with Global Integrity. Michigan received an F in 10 of the 13 categories of government operations that were examined, including public access to information, political financing and judicial accountability.

The lack of effective disclosure rules for officials in nearly all facets of state government opens the doors to potential conflicts of interest, but also to potential public corruption, according to Daniel Krassner, political director at Represent.Us, a nonpartisan group aimed at passing anti-corruption laws at the state and local level. 

“Across the country, there are legislators doing business with their state government and benefiting privately from budgets they’ve built,” Krassner said. He added that Michigan especially is at a high risk for corruption by not putting in place commonplace transparency and accountability safeguards.

“Michigan should join the rest of the states in requiring financial disclosure,” Krassner said. “Disclosure is key to holding politicians accountable.” 

This story was co-published with Salon.

CONFLICTED INTERESTS: 

State lawmakers often blur the line between public's business and their own

Find your state legislators' financial interests

The unexpected jobs your state lawmakers have outside the office

Q&A: What we learned from digging into state legislators' disclosure forms

Conflicted Interests: Stories from the states

The state capitol in Lansing, Michigan. Kristian Hernándezhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/kristian-hern-ndezhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2018/01/08/21454/these-are-only-two-states-dont-require-lawmakers-disclose-finances

TPS 101: What you need to know

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TPS 101

  • What is TPS?
    TPS, or temporary protected status, is a designation Congress created in 1990. It allows individuals from certain countries to apply, if they are already in the United States, for temporary U.S. status if their home countries suffer a disaster -- including armed conflicts or civil wars, environmental disasters, epidemics, or other extraordinary and temporary situations. TPS has also been granted or extended if a country is unable to handle the return of its nationals adequately.
  • Who oversees TPS?
    The Department of Homeland Security controls whether nationals of a country are eligible to apply for TPS.
  • What does it mean to have TPS?
    Eligible individuals are protected from deportation by the U.S., and they cannot be detained by DHS on the basis of immigration status. They can obtain work permits and travel authorization.
  • What countries does the TPS program currently cover?
    Individuals already in the United States prior to a crisis or disaster who are from Nepal, Somalia, South Sudan, Syria, Yemen and, pending review, Honduras. TPS is set to expire for individuals from Haiti, El Salvador, Nicaragua and Sudan.
  • What impact does TPS have on someone’s immigration status?
    TPS does not lead to lawful permanent resident status or any other immigration status. People with TPS can still attempt to apply to adjust to permanent legal status, but qualifications are narrow.

Source: Department of Homeland Security, Citizen and Immigration Services

A person holds up a sign in support of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, known as DACA, and Temporary Protected Status programs during a rally in support of DACA and TPS outside of the White House, in Washington, Tuesday, Sept. 5, 2017.https://www.publicintegrity.org/2018/01/08/21461/tps-101-what-you-need-know

Trump administration to end temporary protected status for immigrants from El Salvador

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In another sweeping action upending immigrant communities, the Trump Administration Monday announced it is terminating Temporary Protected Status for more than 200,000 immigrants from El Salvador who’ve been living here protected from deportation for nearly 17 years. The decision was met with widespread condemnation from church leaders, labor and immigrant rights groups and business organizations calling for Congress to act to spare the Salvadorans, many of whom have U.S. citizen children and employers who want them to stay. 

Department of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen said that “the substantial disruption” to conditions caused by an earthquake in 2001 and that led to providing TPS, as protective status is called, no longer exist. She announced that the administration was delaying termination of the Salvadorans’ TPS for 18 months. She said this period “will allow Congress to craft a potential legislative solution” if lawmakers choose to prevent such a large immigrant group with deep roots here from becoming undocumented overnight. 

After the news broke, Cristian Chavez Guerrero, 37, a Houston resident with three children and a U.S. legal resident wife, broke down in tears during a Monday press call organized by the pro-immigrant America’s Voice group in Washington, D.C. 

“Right now, there is a storm in my head ... I feel lost,” Chavez Guerrero said in English that he’s mastered, along with information technology job skills, since arriving here in 2000. Frank Sharry, executive director of America’s Voice Education Fund, called the TPS decision “a cruel and heartless announcement” that threatens to drive Salvadorans “back to a country engulfed in corruption, violence and weak governance.” 

Others echoed those sentiments.  

“Families who have contributed to our economy and our communities deserve better than being told to abandon the lives they’ve built here and to leave for a country they may hardly know anymore,” Jay Timmons, president of the National Association of Manufacturers, in a statement. “The uncertainty that immigrants face today isn’t just a disservice to them; it threatens the future of our exceptional country. Manufacturers call on Congress to act.” 

TPS is a program that has allowed administrations to extend temporary residency to foreign nationals on U.S. soil at a time when a profound disaster—natural or political—strikes in their home countries. Originally, close to 300,000 Salvadorans in the United States were vetted and granted TPS after a killer earthquake rocked the small Central American country in 2001, as the Center for Public Integrity explained in a recent story. Congress created TPS as part of the Immigration Act of 1990. 

TPS is not a precursor to a green card, or permanent legal status. Some TPS holders have been able to obtain green cards through marriage, for example, but most, even if they have U.S. spouses, have no way forward to legal status at this time. 

Most of the Salvadorans who qualified for TPS were undocumented, and had arrived after fleeing a brutal civil war that raged between 1980 and 1992. The United States was deeply involved in the war, providing military support to the Salvadoran government. Salvadorans have also fled the country since that time to join family in the United States and to escape both poverty and rising organized crime. More than half of those with TPS status have lived here for more than 20 years. 

The Center story profiled Salvadorans such as Juan Cortez, 47, a Maryland resident for nearly 25 years with a son who is in ROTC, the Reserve Officer Training Corp, in his Maryland high school. Others who told their stories were Pennsylvania resident Karla Alvarado, 29, a home health-care nurse supervising are for 55 clients, and Dina Paredes, a Los Angeles luxury hotel employee who told the Center: “We are not a burden. We pay our taxes.”

The Salvadorans are the largest group of foreign nationals yet to lose Temporary Protected Status, or TPS, under Trump, who promised to crack down on undocumented migration and programs that extend legal status beyond what critics consider reasonable.  Organizations advocating big cuts to legal immigration—and whose arguments some Trump advisers embraced—have long criticized TPS because administrations have extended the status repeatedly for certain groups.

This year, Homeland Security also announced plans to also terminate TPS for tens of thousands of Haitians and Nicaraguans, among other nationalities. Officials said they are still studying whether to terminate TPS for Hondurans.

The Homeland Security statement on the termination of TPS for Salvadorans said Nielsen sought out information about conditions in that country, and that based on TPS statutes, “determined that the original conditions caused by the 2001 earthquakes no longer exist.” Nielsen also said that the deportations of more than 39,000 Salvadorans over the last two years show that El Salvador’s inability to absorb returned nationals “has been addressed.” But officials considering whether to extend or end TPS can also take into consideration other country conditions as well as what is best for U.S. interests, critics of Monday’s decision said.

An estimated 200,000-plus U.S.-citizen children have Salvadoran TPS parents, and an estimated 34 percent of Salvadorans with TPS are homeowners, according to surveys by the Center for Migration Research at the University of Kansas.  They work in a variety of businesses nationally, but are concentrated in the Washington, D.C. metro area, as well as in Los Angeles and other parts of California, Texas, New York and Florida.

The Homeland Security decision is a blow to Salvadorans in the home country as well. Both leftist and conservative governments in El Salvador have urged Republican and Democratic administrations alike in the United States since 2001 to keep extending TPS—and they have—because of the harm that could ensue with mass deportations. Many Salvadorans rely on money immigrant relatives send home.  

El Salvador has also tried to show its commitment to the United States—and keep in good favor—by agreeing to send thousands of its own troops to Iraq and Afghanistan to fight in wars. Salvadoran troops have suffered casualties and filled in for U.S. troops vacating key aviation and advisory roles in war zones. Trump Chief of Staff John Kelly, a former Marine Corp. general, observed Salvadoran troops training in 2013 while he was Commander of the U.S. Southern Command. He said the Salvadorans were “good, decent people who stepped forward to be in a fight with other good and decent people.”

Dina Paredes of Los Angeles and her husband have had Temporary Protected Status since 2001. The couple fled El Salvador more than 20 years ago to escape violence and crossed illegally into the United States.Susan Ferrisshttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/susan-ferrisshttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2018/01/08/21460/trump-administration-end-temporary-protected-status-immigrants-el-salvador

Telemarketer for conservative causes pays $250,000 fine

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A telemarketing company that fundraises for politicians, charities and major corporations has settled a complaint filed by the Federal Trade Commission over allegedly “false and misleading” tactics.

Akron, Ohio-based InfoCision Inc., whose clients have included a pro-President Donald Trump political action committee, Housing and Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson’s 2016 presidential committee and groups connected to the Tea Party, today agreed to pay $250,000 to settle a civil complaint brought by the U.S. Department of Justice on behalf of the Federal Trade Commission.

During the past five years, federal political committees have paid InfoCision at least $24.8 million, a Center for Public Integrity analysis of Federal Election Commission records indicates.

The federal government accused InfoCision’s telemarketers of misleading donors by telling them they weren’t calling to collect donations when, in fact, they were —  a violation of the federal Telemarketing Sales Rule.

“Consumers in the United States have suffered and will suffer injury as a result of Defendant’s violations,” the Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission wrote to the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Ohio.

Absent some penalty, the government agencies argue, InfoCision “is likely to continue to injure consumers and harm the public interest.”

Steve Brubaker, chief of staff for InfoCision, said the company disputes the allegations but agreed to settle the case to avoid a lengthy court battle.

“We feel strongly the investigation had no merit whatsoever,” Brubaker said. “The agency never produced a single consumer complaint, or even suggested that consumers actually had been confused.”

InfoCision has come under fire in the past for its telemarketing practices. Former employees have alleged the company preys on elderly people, and an investigation by Bloomberg Markets Magazine found InfoCision was keeping most of the money it was raising on behalf of the American Cancer Society, the American Diabetes Association and other charities.

InfoCision’s settlement document with the Department of Justice, filed today in federal court, doesn’t include details about which charities InfoCision had been calling on behalf of when it allegedly misled donors. Mitchell J. Katz, a spokesman for the Federal Trade Commission, said that information isn’t public.

Political committees that have hired InfoCision include Carson America, the campaign committee representing former presidential candidate Ben Carson, which paid $5.2 million. A Carson representative could not immediately be reached.

A pro-Trump committee, Great America PAC, has spent $435,600 on InfoCision since 2016, according to FEC filings.

The Tea Party Majority Fund has spent about $2.2 million on InfoCision since 2013, and the Tea Party Leadership Fund paid the company about $433,100 during the same time period.

Conservative-leaning Citizens United Political Victory Fund, which is led by Trump’s former deputy campaign manager David Bossie, has paid InfoCision $2.1 million since 2013.

The Stop Hillary PAC, which morphed into the Committee to Defend the President, also used InfoCision to raise funds in 2014.

Dan Backer, an attorney and political consultant who represents numerous conservative political committees including Committee to Defend the President and Great America PAC, defended InfoCision as having a “sterling reputation for integrity.”

“This is just another a case of government bullying by unaccountable bureaucrats,” Backer said. “It’s outrageous, and exactly why Americans across the board are disgusted with Washington.”

Some corporate entities and academic institutions have likewise been eager to work with InfoCision.

The company’s website includes testimonials from big-name corporate clients. AT&T, Comcast, Time Warner Cable and Little Tikes, a children’s toy maker, are among companies that have done business with InfoCision.

InfoCision and its founders also bought the naming rights to several Akron, Ohio-area high school and college athletic fields, including a 20-year, $10 million deal to dub the University of Akron’s football facility “InfoCision Stadium – Summa Field.”

This article was co-published by Public Radio International and the Columbus Dispatch.

READ MORE:

Charities employ controversial telemarketers to tug on heartstrings — and loosen purse strings

Veterans charity raises millions to help those who’ve served. But telemarketers are pocketing most of it

Watchdog dings veterans charities after Center for Public Integrity investigation

Ben Carson speaking at a special presentation during his campaign at the GCU Arena at Grand Canyon University in Phoenix, Arizona.Sarah Kleinerhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/sarah-kleinerhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2018/01/10/21463/telemarketer-conservative-causes-pays-250000-fine

Dreamers from Rep. Kevin McCarthy's district call on the GOP to step up

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Update, Jan. 10, 2018, 4:42 p.m.: A federal judge with the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California blocked President Trump’s phased-in termination of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, DACA, pending the outcome of legal challenges. Judge William Alsup wrote that DACA recipients would suffer “irreparable harm” as they lose DACA protections. It’s unclear how federal officials will handle DACA renewal applications they rejected for failing to meet an Oct. 5 deadline. A Department of Justice statement said the department will defend the termination, calling DACA an “unlawful circumvention of Congress,” and a White House statement called on Congress to find a solution.  

PORTERVILLE, Calif. — Luis Galvan, 20, enjoyed a moment of triumph in late October when he boarded a plane for the first time and flew to Indianapolis to receive his Future Farmers of America degree, a prestigious certificate of achievement in the world of agriculture. Galvan was proud that all his grueling work with livestock and crops had paid off.

But his euphoria was short-lived.

When Galvan got home he tore open an envelope waiting for him from the Department of Homeland Security. It was crushing news: He had submitted his application to renew a vital work permit for young immigrants known as “Dreamers” in plenty of time, along with a renewal fee. He received a notice back that there was a snafu over a $495 scholarship check he had submitted to pay the fee, and he promptly followed instructions to correct that. But now, this second, final notice told him his application was rejected for being late.

If Galvan can’t appeal the rejection, his work permit is set to expire Jan. 15. That would jeopardize his job tutoring junior high kids. It would affect his studies at college. It could even lead to him being deported.  

“What a bucket of cold water,” Galvan said, during a late-night interview in Porterville, the small California farm city where he grew up.

Surrounded by a sea of orchards—including oranges now flooding U.S. markets—Porterville sits in California’s vast Central Valley. Considered one of the world’s most productive agribusiness regions, the valley depends on immigrant labor. And among those who represent the region in Congress are multiple Republican lawmakers, not least of them Rep. Kevin McCarthy, the powerful GOP majority leader whose district includes Porterville.

The work permit Galvan holds stems from his status as a recipient of DACA, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program whose fate rests, in no small part, in McCarthy’s hands.

Former President Barack Obama created DACA in 2012 to allow undocumented young people brought to the United States as children to stay legally, conditionally, until, Obama said he hoped, Congress came up with a solution to help them. Nicknamed Dreamers, this population has no sure path to legal residency, no matter how long they’ve been here or how much they accomplish. DACA has temporarily protected them from deportation and allowed them to obtain work permits. On Sept. 5 though, President Donald Trump announced that he was pulling the plug on DACA, arguing in a statement that Obama lacked authority to create the program and that policy should be “fair to American families, students, taxpayers and jobseekers.” Spokeswoman Sarah Huckabee Sanders added that unemployed Americans could possibly assume DACA recipients’ jobs.

Nearly 800,000 DACA recipients were suddenly plunged into uncertainty. Dreamers whose work permits were soon to expire were given a chance to apply, one last time, for two-year renewals by Oct. 5. Many missed the tight deadline or had applications they say were denied unfairly. If nothing changes, after March, all DACA recipients will begin to lose permits in waves as each card expires. 

The situation remains up in the air. Despite his harsh rhetoric claiming Dreamers occupy Americans’ jobs, Trump too challenged Congress to come up with a legislative fix with “heart” to help Dreamers before the March deadline. A flurry of negotiations to pass such a bill collapsed just prior to the holiday break. GOP leaders now say Congress will take up DACA again this month, as part of broader debate over Trump’s demands for more border wall investments and cuts in family-based immigration.  

But the politics are complicated, and they’re especially complicated here in California, home to at least a quarter of Dreamers. Most polling, from ABC to Fox News, shows that 60 to upwards of 80 percent of Americans think Dreamers should get a chance to stay and become legalized. In and around Porterville, Dreamers and their backers angrily question why McCarthy and fellow congressmen from California’s Central Valley aren’t vigorously pushing for a legislative fix — pronto — because so many Dreamers’ lives hang in the balance.  

McCarthy declined an interview but in careful language has backed crafting a DACA fix as long as it’s coupled with more investments in border security measures. He said in a statement that he supported Trump’s position and that Congress is working on a “lawful solution to this problem.” It’s clear to everyone that McCarthy is not publicly leading a passionate charge to defend Dreamers. But the raw politics of both Washington and his district are hardly demanding that he do so — at least not right now. McCarthy won his last two elections with 75 percent and 69 percent of the vote.

Differing perspectives

On the ground in McCarthy’s district, however, where Latinos are 41 percent of the total population and 27 percent of those eligible to vote, feelings can also get more than a little raw. The 52-year-old congressman, a lifelong Bakersfield resident, represents most of Tulare County, where Porterville is located, and the majority of California’s sprawling Kern County. Kern is peppered with oil rigs that produce more oil than Oklahoma. The county is also home to military-industrial-complex interests. Kern’s formidable agribusiness production, consisting of grapes, fruit trees, scores of other crops and milk, made it the number one farm county in the nation in 2016 at $7.19 billion in value. Tulare’s farm production value was $6.37 billion. California, as a whole, is by far the nation’s biggest dairy-producing state, while also producing almost half the nation’s fruits, nuts and vegetables.  

Those stats form the basis for part of the passion here. After all, advocates for Dreamers argue, California supplies a massive quantity of the food Americans consume. And agribusiness has acknowledged for a long time that immigrants, many of them undocumented and the parents of Dreamers, are essential to creating this bounty.

“I’ve complained to McCarthy’s office: What about the Dreamers?” said John Duran, 67, a Republican in Porterville who is of Mexican descent but not an immigrant. “He needs to be doing more. But because he’s Republican he’s got to follow their agenda.”

There are no exact numbers, but McCarthy’s 23rd Congressional District is home to an estimated 7,900 young people who fit the profile of those eligible to have signed up for DACA, according to analysis of Census Bureau data by the University of Southern California. Adjacent GOP districts have as many or even more of these young people, who were eligible to sign up for DACA once they reached 16, if they had lived here since at least June 15, 2007.

Duran, a former correctional officer who’s active in local politics, said he’s generally pro-Trump and is strongly opposed to government “giveaways.” But he winces at some of the rhetoric around immigrants that’s voiced by the president and his supporters.  

Even here, where it’s plain to the eye who does a lot of hard labor, Duran said, “some people seem to have the idea that illegal immigrants don’t do anything but crime.”

Duran says he was stunned not long ago when a non-Hispanic woman spoke out at a public forum about allowing Dreamers to serve in the military to earn legal status and citizenship. “She came up to me and said if they want to get citizenship, they should serve for 20 years,” he said. “That just doesn’t make sense to me.”

Only Congress can change immigration law to open up a path that doesn’t exist now, a reality that runs contrary to misconceptions that there’s a line anyone wishing to immigrate can get into and just patiently wait a turn. A bipartisan bill introduced this past July, the Dream Act of 2017, would create a years-long path to permanent residency and citizenship for eligible young people who’ve been here at least four years prior to enactment of such legislation. But that bill did not advance. Versions of the Dream Act in Congress go back to 2001.

Beyond the details, though, some DACA recipients here say they’d just like to hear McCarthy defend them more vigorously — and act with speed.

Porterville Dreamer Marco Reyes, 20, who works as a cashier and studies at Porterville College, a community college, said: “If I talked to McCarthy I’d ask him what he’s doing behind the scenes that nobody else is doing. He must be doing something. Are you going to surprise us later, hopefully with something that’s not bad? Because with politicians you never know.”

American Dream at Stake

As Republicans bore down on passing tax reform, GOP Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky told Fox News shortly before the holiday break that “we have plenty of time” to act on DACA to meet Trump’s March deadline.

But Galvan said: “I can’t wait.”   

Even with nerves on edge, he’s got to attend classes at the local College of the Sequoias — in preparation for transfer to a four-year university — and report for as long as he can to his job tutoring 7th and 8th graders. The kids remind him of himself, when he was growing up poor but struggling to hold onto dreams.

 “After I got DACA, I went crazy,” Galvan said, explaining the sense of liberation it gave him.  “I joined every club I could. I’ve really tried to do my best.”

It’s been a long road. Galvan arrived from Mexico at five, and now he’s 20. As he was growing up, employers continued to hire people with little fear of getting penalized for “knowingly,” as the law says, hiring undocumented workers. Farm groups have long admitted that authentic-looking fake documents immigrants buy are part and parcel of how California’s factories in the fields stay open. Galvan’s dad has worked for the same agricultural employer for 15 years.

At an early December pro-DACA rally in Porterville, population 60,000, agitated locals channeled their anger about the treatment of undocumented workers.

“These people live in the shadows and break their backs so that the people of America can eat!” Rosa Salmeron, a California State University, Fresno, student of social work shouted through a bullhorn. “We’re not shadows. We are people!”  

Salmeron, 37, patted Galvan’s shoulder as he took the bullhorn at a rally in Veteran’s Park to tell the crowd about his dilemma.

Salmeron, whose parents fled El Salvador during its civil war, is a naturalized U.S. citizen and grateful, she said, for the 1986 amnesty that Congress and President Ronald Reagan crafted that allowed her and her parents a chance to legalize and then go on to become citizens. Her family members live and have businesses in McCarthy’s district, in Bakersfield.

“These people are not representing us,” she told the crowd of several dozen. She urged people to register to vote and oust local Republicans from Congress if they don’t do more for Dreamers.  “The American Dream is at stake!”

“Kevin McCarthy is my representative and it upsets me that he won’t meet to talk about this,” added Daniel Peñaloza, 24, who runs an office in Porterville set up by the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights based in Los Angeles.

Peñaloza has organized pro-DACA rallies not only outside McCarthy’s offices, but also at the offices of neighboring congressmen Rep. David Valadao, R-Hanford, of the 21st District, and Rep. Devin Nunes, R-Tulare, of the 22nd District.

Valadao, the son of Portuguese immigrants, is a dairy farmer. He doesn’t have the clout that McCarthy wields, but he’s ventured where many other Republicans won’t go. He was one of three Republicans in the House who co-sponsored a failed 2013 comprehensive immigration reform package that would put undocumented workers on an earned path to legal status, a green card.

Valadao is also one of two GOP congressmen from California who signed up to co-sponsor the Dream Act of 2017. The other co-sponsor is Rep. Jeff Denham, R-Turlock, whose 10th Congressional District also includes farm country to the north of Fresno. Both also signed a Dec. 5 letter with 32 other GOP legislators urging Speaker of the House Paul Ryan, R-Wisc., to put the Dream Act of 2017 on the floor for a vote. Ryan declined.

“As we approach the March deadline,” Valadao said in a statement, “it is more critical than ever that Congress immediately act to repair our broken immigration system and provide DACA recipients with the certainty they deserve.”

According to the Pew Research Center, almost 76 percent of Valadao’s district is Latino, and more than 39 percent of the population eligible to vote is Latino — the highest percentage among California’s 14 Republican districts in the House. Democrats hold the rest of California’s 53 House seats. Despite his pro-immigrant record, Democrats consider Valadao vulnerable in the next election.

Back in Washington, D.C., McCarthy’s communications director, Matt Sparks, addressed complaints that his boss seemed indifferent to Dreamers and would not meet with constituents unhappy that he isn’t publicly elevating their cause.  

Sparks said pro-DACA rallies have been disruptive at district offices, and interrupted other constituents’ business. He said field staff in California attend town meetings regularly, and listen respectfully to complaints aired in that setting.

He provided a statement from McCarthy: “President Trump was right to correct President Obama’s executive overreach by calling on Congress to find a solution for the children of illegal immigrants who came to this country through no fault of their own.”

McCarthy had previously told CNBC that “I don’t think this country is going to move these individuals out.” In the same interview, he acknowledged, to a point, his district’s dependence on immigrant workers. “I come from an agricultural community and I know you need a guest-worker program,” he said.  

Sparks said DACA isn’t the only immigration-related issue that constituents bring up.

Some district residents want to know about possible reforms Congress might initiate to broaden an existing guest-worker program for agriculture. Some want to talk about “chain migration,” a pejorative word coined by immigration-restriction activists to describe how immigrants, once citizens, can petition to sponsor certain relatives, including siblings and parents, to immigrate.  

“When there’s consensus around an immigration reform plan,” Sparks said, “then I think something will happen.”

Sparks also said that McCarthy’s office was open to learning more about Luis Galvan’s work permit snafu to see if staff could help.

Agribusiness view  

Grimmway Farms in Kern County is the world’s largest grower of carrots. Its owners, prominent local donors to McCarthy, declined to comment on DACA.

But Beatris Sanders, the executive director of the Kern County Farm Bureau, said that immigration issues “hit us really hard here in Kern. It’s a priority for us to have a working system.”

She said the bureau maintains “open dialogue” with McCarthy but has no official position on DACA.

 “I don’t think anyone should penalize anyone because of something beyond their control,” she added.

She also expressed sympathy for Luis Galvan when she heard his story: “I know there are many, many stories like this out there,” Sanders said.  

The Kern County Republican Party declined to comment on DACA.

In Porterville, Republican activist Susan Queen, who is a “100 percent Trump fan,” said she doesn’t think the DACA recipients, or Dreamers, should be removed from the country, and she doesn’t think Trump does either.

“Obviously I have sympathy for the kids,” said Queen, 68, a member of the California Federation of Republican Women of Southeastern Tulare County. “I think there should be some sort of way to make them legal here,” she said, “but I don’t know about citizens.”

“My dad was a judge,” Queen explained, “and I don’t like rewarding anything illegal.”

If the Dreamers are allowed to gain legal status, she said, perhaps they shouldn’t be allowed to bring in other family members later. It makes her mad, she said, to think about an old friend in Germany who wanted to live and work in the United States and couldn’t seem to ever get a visa.

Queen’s family raised animals and had groves she picked oranges from as a kid, but she’s not in the farm business and her children didn’t work in the fields.

Central Valley citrus grower Manuel Cunha, who is no liberal when it comes to business regulations he considers excessive, is a longtime proponent of legalizing undocumented farmworkers who have been here for years. The director of the Nisei Farmers League in Fresno, north of Bakersfield, he knows McCarthy well and has raised money for McCarthy and other prominent Republicans. “I’ve fundraised so much that we probably could have paid for immigration reform many times over,” he said.

“We’ve given up on some of our political people,” he said in exasperation. “The people who say the climate is not right for immigration, or it’s not the right time. Oh, but come to our fundraiser.”

Still, he was in Washington, D.C., recently to visit with members of Congress and staff and talk about undocumented immigrant workers, DACA and the future.   

“Our rural communities are made up of thousands of these folks,” Cunha said. “They’re in school or working, and they have one parent in the fields, or in the packing houses,” Cunha said, “and maybe another is in construction.”

“How simple it would be to do a DACA reform,” Cunha said. “You’ve vetted all of them already.” The current crop of young DACA recipients have already been checked for criminal records, fingerprinted, and paid into getting work permits.

“Come on, Kevin, let’s get it done,” Cunha said.

Because of the uncertainty, kids have come into his office sobbing, he said, because they couldn’t renew their permits, or they’re terrified about what’s next.  

In Bakersfield, the characterization of their parents as lawbreakers, or invaders, upsets Dreamers Eloisa Torres, 18, and Leydy Rangel, 22. Both traveled to Washington, D.C, this fall twice on trips sponsored by the United Farm Workers union so they could tell their stories to staff and members of Congress who’d listen.

“Your parents struggle,” said Torres, who wasn’t even two years old when she arrived. “They’ve told me, ‘Become something.’ ” 

She said her father was often away to accept work he was offered in construction, or in agricultural fields. She didn’t ask her parents for money to start college this year at California State University, Bakersfield. She collected cans to recycle to make initial payments, and was relieved when tuition fees dropped because of state aid. She’s thinking about becoming a lawyer.

Rangel, who grew up migrating from the Coachella Valley up through Bakersfield and beyond, picked grapes and pruned vines in the state’s vast vineyards as a child. In high school she convinced her parents to leave her alone in Coachella so she could stay and finish high school there and apply to college. She recently graduated from California State Polytechnic University, Pomona.

Every night, she worries about her parents getting deported.

Another DACA recipient in Bakersfield, Ivan Gonzalez, now 22, managed to cap off his undocumented childhood by running his way to becoming the 800 meters state champion in high school. He won a full scholarship to the University of California at Berkeley. “People didn’t care about my citizenship status when I was running track,” said Gonzalez, whose choice to attend Berkeley was featured in local news.

He’s back in Bakersfield after graduation and is working at Youth 2 Leaders Education Foundation.

He counsels parents and kids on available options for college scholarships. California legislators, over the years, have gradually passed legislation to first allow undocumented students to attend state colleges and pay in-state tuition rather than out-of-state fees. Later legislation was passed to allow students to receive state aid, not federal, to help pay for tuition. Private scholarships are out there as well. “There are people who think we don’t belong here while eating what my people are picking,” he said. He tells families to keep kids in school, no matter what happens to DACA.

Ironically, Gonzalez also participates in citizenship workshops to help immigrants with legal permanent residency prepare for testing. “You don’t know how much I wish I were in your position,” he jokes with aspiring citizens he helps.

For Luis Galvan, there’s no time to waste. He’s in a race to avoid having his DACA work permit expire. He’s talked to a lawyer, and to Mission Asset Fund, a nonprofit group in San Francisco that provided him the scholarship to pay his renewal fee. Tara Robinson, the fund’s chief development officer, said the fund issued more than 5,000 checks to DACA recipients and the majority were cashed by Homeland Security. A small number weren’t accepted, which Robinson said could have been due to a Homeland Security error. When Galvan received word from the department to resubmit his application and a new payment, he bought a money order and Mission Asset Fund later reimbursed him. Then the rejection notice arrived.

“Honestly, the first few days after that I couldn’t sleep,” he said. “My mom was crying most of the time. It’s hard. I just try holding it in.”

California State University, Fresno, student Rosa Salmeron rallies Dreamers and supporters outside the office of Rep. Kevin McCarthy, R-Bakersfield, Calif., House of Representative majority leader. Susan Ferrisshttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/susan-ferrisshttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2018/01/05/21442/dreamers-rep-kevin-mccarthys-district-call-gop-step

Virginia assembly bills seek to curb the state's school-to-prison pipeline

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Several bills introduced to the Virginia general assembly seek to correct overly harsh punishment and police intervention in student discipline.
 
A 2015 analysis of Department of Education data by the Center showed that Virginia schools in a single year referred students to law enforcement personnel at a rate nearly three times the national rate. 
 
Virginia’s referral rate was about 16 for every 1,000 students, compared to a national rate of six referrals for every 1,000 students. In Virginia, some of the individual schools with highest rates of referral — in one case 228 per 1,000 — were middle schools, whose students are usually from 11 to 14 years old.
 
Read the stories: 

Virginia tops nation in sending students to cops, courts: Where does your state rank?

Virginia governor asks how to reverse schools' staggering rate of referrals to cops and courts

The full series: Criminalizing Kids 
 

Kayleb Moon-Robinson — who is diagnosed as autistic — had barely started sixth grade last fall in Lynchburg, Virginia, when a school resource officer filed charges against him. Kayleb was charged with disorderly conduct for kicking over a trash can and then with felony assault on a police officer because he struggled to break free when the cop grabbed him.https://www.publicintegrity.org/2018/01/17/21478/virginia-assembly-bills-seek-curb-states-school-prison-pipeline

In the news: Sarah Kleiner talks about veteran charities on CNN

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Federal politics reporter was featured on CNN's The Lead to discuss her story on a web of charities who say they're raising money for veterans, but spend the majority of it on overhead costs instead.

Read the stories:

Veterans charity raises millions to help those who’ve served. But telemarketers are pocketing most of it

Charities employ controversial telemarketers to tug on heartstrings — and loosen purse strings

Telemarketer for conservative causes pays $250,000 fine

Watchdog dings veterans charities after Center for Public Integrity investigationReporter Sarah Kleiner on CNN. https://www.publicintegrity.org/2018/01/18/21481/news-sarah-kleiner-talks-about-veteran-charities-cnn

Idaho lawmakers kill bill requiring personal financial disclosures

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Idaho lawmakers shot down legislation Wednesday that would have required them to disclose their personal finances, leaving the state as just one of two holdouts remaining in the country.

Idaho Republican Rep. Thomas Loertscher, chairman of the House State Affairs Committee, grudgingly introduced the bill that had been unanimously endorsed by a campaign finance and ethics reform work group in December.

“This is not a heartburn issue to me,” Loertscher told his fellow committee members. “This is not one of those things that I think is absolutely essential that we do. But, let me say, this financial disclosure of elected officials is in your future because this will happen at some point.”

Loertscher told the Center for Public Integrity he’s been working on this bill since at least 2015 because he wanted to make sure it was done in the least intrusive way possible. The failed legislation would have required elected officials to disclose financial interests worth at least $5,000, according to Loertscher.

Such disclosures are commonly required for elected officials from U.S. Congress down to local offices. In the case of state legislators, the forms typically require annual filings to include a lawmaker’s primary employer, occupation, or job title and additional income or business associations.

In December, the Center for Public Integrity and The Associated Press published “Conflicted Interests,” an investigation that analyzed the disclosure reports from 6,933 lawmakers across the 47 states that required such reports. The probe found numerous examples across the country of lawmakers who have introduced and supported legislation that directly and indirectly helped their own businesses, their employers or their personal finances.

>> Conflicted Interests: State lawmakers often blur the line between the public's business and their own

The project also revealed that at least 76 percent of state lawmakers holding office in 2015 reported outside income or employment, a necessity for many legislators given the part-time structure and pay of many of the elected positions.

Michigan is the only other state in the U.S. that doesn’t require lawmakers to file yearly financial disclosures. Vermont passed a law in June that requires disclosures to begin this year.

The project also revealed that at least 76 percent of state lawmakers holding office in 2015 reported outside income or employment, a necessity for many legislators given the part-time structure and pay of many of the elected positions.

Michigan is the only other state in the U.S. that doesn’t require lawmakers to file yearly financial disclosures. Vermont passed a law in June that requires disclosures to begin this year.

In Idaho, the proposal needed Loertscher’s committee to back it, but only three of the 15 panel members, including Loertscher, favored introducing the bill to the full House.

“I don’t see why this should see the light of day,” said Republican Rep. Vito Barbieri before opposing the bill. “What concrete problem do we have that this solves?”

Loertscher agreed, saying this bill deals with the public’s perception of their citizen legislature and their potential conflicts of interests.

“There are people that just automatically say we are crooked,” he said. “Are we trying to solve a problem? I don’t think so.”

During an interview last week, Loertscher said the Center for Public Integrity was the “only organization that thinks Idaho is bad,” referring to the Center’s 2015 State Integrity Investigation which rated Idaho a D- and ranked it 26th in the country in accountability and transparency.

“We are continually nagged by an organization in the United States that says we are the only state that doesn’t require any financial disclosure,” Loertscher told the committee Wednesday.

“And when I initially said here that ‘This is in your future,’ is because there will be an initiative written by the public and it will not be this kind and this easy to do,” he warned his colleagues.

READ MORE

Find your state legislators' financial interests

Q&A: What we learned from digging into state legislators' disclosure forms

How we investigated conflicted interests in statehouses across the country

Conflicted Interests: Stories from the states

The unexpected jobs your state lawmakers have outside the office

These are the only two states that don't require lawmakers to disclose finances

Idaho's state capitol, located in Boise. Kristian Hernándezhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/kristian-hern-ndezhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2018/01/18/21484/idaho-bill-lawmakers-financial-disclosures

Live chat: Money and politics in Trump's first year as president

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Join the Center for Public Integrity for a Facebook live chat with our reporters, looking back at President Donald Trump's first year in office and the ways campaign finance has played a role. 

Tune in Friday, Jan. 19 at 1 p.m. EST at facebook.com/publici

Until then, check out our coverage of the administration: White House spotlight: Tracking Donald Trump. 

https://www.publicintegrity.org/2018/01/19/21487/live-chat-money-and-politics-trumps-first-year-president

Actions, not words, tell Trump's political money story

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Donald Trump made his first and most definitive statement about campaign cash just moments after announcing his intention to run for president.
It’s the one that stuck in everyone’s mind.

"I don't need anybody's money. It's nice. I don't need anybody's money," Trump said on June 16, 2015. “I’m using my own money. I’m not using the lobbyists. I’m not using donors. I don’t care. I’m really rich.”

Over subsequent months, Trump would double and triple down on his seemingly reformist rhetoric that mocked Republican orthodoxy.

He criticized the Supreme Court’s money gusher of a decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission.

He cold shouldered the billionaire Koch brothers and Republican megadonor Sheldon Adelson.

He blasted big-money super PACs as “unfair,” “horrible,” “scams” and in violation of both the spirit and letter of federal election law. Politicians who rely on such super PACs are beholden to their wealthy contributors, Trump declared.

He then vowed: “That’s not going to happen with me.”

Trump on Saturday marks the one-year anniversary of his presidential inauguration. It coincides with the 8th anniversary of the Citizens United v. FEC decision, which allowed corporations, unions and certain nonprofits to raise and spend unlimited amounts of money to advocate for and against political candidates.

Do Trump’s stage-setting declarations about political money still carry currency as he begins his second year in office? Do his statements hold as he begins marshaling resources aimed at winning a second term?

The White House did not respond to requests for comment. But the answers seem clear nevertheless. For the most part, Trump’s actions have betrayed the promises of he uttered at the outset of his presidential journey that now seems so very long ago. 

"I don’t need anybody’s money."

 Theoretically, this statement is true. In practice, it’s not.

As 2015 bled into 2016, and Trump solidified his standing atop the Republican presidential field, his campaign began soliciting contributions ahead of a general election showdown with Democrat Hillary Clinton and her massive political fundraising machine. In all, Trump would raise about $339 million.   

And while Trump’s campaign initially disavowed super PACs purporting to support Trump — especially those incorporating Trump’s name or “Make America Great Again” sloganeering — that pushback evaporated as Election Day crept closer. Super PACs and politically active nonprofits ultimately bolstered Trump with tens of millions of dollars in fresh support.

And Trump’s pursuit of contributions for his 2020 re-election campaign began soon after he won the presidency.

He filed paperwork forming his re-election campaign on the day of his inauguration. During the first three months of 2017, Trump 2020 raised $7.1 million, much of it from small-dollar donors responding to an endless stream of emails, text messages and social media solicitations targeting Trump’s core supporters.

By Sept. 30, Trump had raised nearly $36.5 million from donors toward his re-election effort, according to federal filings. That figure is likely to jump by tens of millions of dollars come Jan. 31, the date by which Trump’s re-election campaign must reveal its finances for all of 2017.

If Trump didn’t need this money, he could simply stop raising it.

Instead, he’s pursuing other people’s cash as aggressively as ever since becoming president, culminating this month with a campaign sweepstakes to win dinner with him in Florida at his Mar-a-Lago resort.

A pair of pro-Trump super PACs, meanwhile, crossed the $1 million threshold of spending in support of Trump’s re-election in just the first quarter of the year.  

"I’m using my own money." 

Trump has demonstrated no willingness — neither during the 2016 presidential campaign nor since — to single-handedly bankroll his political affairs. 

Make no mistake: Trump did use $66.1 million of his personal fortune to fuel that 2016 presidential campaign. Few political candidates have such means.

But the self-funding represents less than one-fifth of the more than $333 million his campaign raised from all sources, including individual donors, party committees and political action committees.

And the president so far hasn’t donated a dime to his re-election efforts, which include staging campaign-style rallies across the country and otherwise promoting himself.

Trump’s actions are proof he’s “misled the American people and is lying about his intention to ‘drain the swamp’ and rid D.C. of corruption,” argued Karen Hobert Flynn, president of Common Cause, which advocates for campaign money restrictions.

Not so, says attorney Jim Bopp, who has fought against political money limits in some of the nation’s most notable court cases, including Citizens United v. FEC

“Liberals refuse to understand with Trump that you can’t take what he says literally,” Bopp said. “What is important about Trump is what he’s doing and not what he’s saying, and in practice, everything he’s done is in step with maintaining a 1st Amendment-friendly approach to campaign finance.”

"I’m not using the lobbyists."

Trump tongue-lashes lobbyists. He’s placed some limits on his administration’s staffers’ ability to one day work as lobbyists.

But Trump appears to like lobbyist money just fine — and the lobbyists who help him raise that cash.

While the money his 2016 presidential quest raised from registered lobbyists was modest — significantly less than the hundreds of thousands Clinton’s campaign raised from K Street — Trump appointed professional lobbyists to key fundraising positions within his campaign.

Most notable: lobbyist Brian Ballard, a top fundraiser for Trump’s campaign who also personally donated $5,400 to Trump’s campaign.

Career lobbyist Paul Manafort served a stint as Trump’s campaign chairman and returned to lobbying the federal government last year even as investigators probed his past government relations work on behalf of foreign clients. Special counsel Robert Mueller III has since charged Manafort in a case that involves his lobbying for pro-Russian politicians in Ukraine.

Trump’s presidential transition committee, meanwhile, accepted tens of thousands of dollars from federally registered lobbyists despite statements from spokesman Jason Miller that the panel was “not going to have any lobbyists involved with the transition efforts … When we talk about draining the swamp, this is one of the first steps.” Transitions are funded with a combination of public and private money.

Among the interests represented by these lobbyists: Coca-Cola, Comcast, Pfizer, United Airlines, Visa, AT&T, Newsmax Media, Lockheed Martin, Philip Morris International, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce’s Institute for Legal Reform and private prison company GEO Group.

Several lobbyists also spent some time working for the Trump transition.

Trump patently banned contributions to his inauguration efforts from people registered as federal lobbyists. But he accepted huge donations from corporations, such as those in the energy industry, that spend millions of dollars on federal lobbyists and have pressed the Trump administration for favorable treatment.

Also anteing up: ultra-wealthy individuals who aren’t lobbyists by profession, but nevertheless petition the government — among them casino magnate Adelson, who Trump had previously derided — to smile upon their pet issues and business interests.

Last year, Trump named both current and former lobbyists to his administration. He’s also named lobbyists to commissions and other positions, including Richard Hohlt, who’s earned hundreds of thousands of dollars from the kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

“I’m not using donors.”

 Trump most certainly has used donors. Lots and lots of them.

A Center for Public Integrity analysis of Trump campaign filings with the FEC, coupled with a February study from the nonpartisan Campaign Finance Institute, conservatively places the number of donors to his campaign in the low seven figures.

Determining an exact number of Trump givers isn’t possible, as federal political candidates are not required by law to reveal the identities or exact contribution amounts of donors who give a campaign $200 or less. Trump, like most political candidates, doesn’t volunteer this information.

Because of that, in all likelihood, Trump’s number of donors is much higher, as legions of Trump backers  pumped Trump’s presidential effort with small-dollar offerings — $10 here, $50 there.

Many tens of thousands more gave Trump’s campaign more than $200. And donors continue to support his re-election committee in similar fashion: This year, Trump’s campaign has collected millions of dollars’ worth of individual contributions, federal records show.

Trump also is benefiting from the many donors who’ve helped fund a gaggle of super PACs that support him.

Despite Trump’s stated distaste for super PACs early on, which included sending the FEC letters disavowing some of them, Trump eventually accepted their support.

Among the billionaire backers who have supported those super PACs since Trump kicked off his campaign: Robert Mercer and his daughter, Rebekah Mercer, who have been critical to Trump’s political ascendance, and not just with cash. When Trump’s 2016 campaign hit the skids weeks before Election Day, it was with the Mercers’ guidance that Trump brought advisers Steve Bannon and Kellyanne Conway aboard in leadership positions.

Future45, among the richest pro-Trump super PACs during Trump’s presidential bid, was largely bankrolled by Adelson and his wife, Miriam Adelson. Other seven-figure donors to Future45 include Linda McMahon, who Trump would later appoint as head of the Small Business Administration,  and Joe Ricketts, founder of TD Ameritrade.

Today, more than a dozen super PACs and similarly pro-Trump political nonprofits are actively advocating on Trump’s behalf. With an eye toward Election Day 2020 nearly three years away, pro-Trump super PACs have already raised millions of dollars in recent months.

Ted Harvey, a former Colorado state senator who leads the pro-Trump Committee to Defend the President super PAC, which had a $1.35 million cash reserve as of its last disclosure in June, says Trump changing his mind on super PACs makes perfect sense.

Prior to his election, Harvey said, Trump’s primary exposure to super PACs involved “globalist mega-donors who flushed $100 million down the toilet” in support of “faux conservative” Republican presidential candidate Jeb Bush, Florida’s former governor.

“Their relentless efforts to stop the populist Trump revolution would cause anyone to question the corrupt Washington DC political process,” he said. “However, after enjoining the support of tens of thousands of every day Americans who have come together as members of the Committee to Defend the President, it is not surprising Trump’s position on super PACs has evolved.”

“I don’t care.” 

In reality, Trump’s dozens of messages to prospective donors since his inauguration suggest that he cares deeply about fundraising. Sometimes, he even explicitly says he cares about their financial support.

“You are the lifeblood of this movement, and that’s all I care about,” Trump wrote to prospective donors on Dec. 16. After Christmas, Trump assured potential backers that he cares about their dollars in whatever amount. “It is the fact that you PROVED you care about this cause so much that you actually stepped up and made a contribution. That is why we won, and why we will keep winning,” Trump wrote.

In contrast, Trump’s actions suggest he cares little for campaign finance legislation and political money administration.

While he frequently employs the “drain the swamp” catchphrase as a battle cry against Washington corruption, Trumpian swamp draining has not yet involved supporting efforts to blunt Citizens United v. FEC, squelching super PACs and their moneyed donors or otherwise restricting campaign fundraising.

Trump has made no moves to back various bills — most sponsored by Democrats, none of which have much chance of passing — to alter the nation’s campaign funding system.

Nor has Trump paid heed to some Republicans’ attempts to boost or altogether abolish the current $2,700 per candidate, per election federal contribution limit.

Such a move, supporters argue, would allow candidates’ own committees to control more money and thereby reduce the influence of super PACs, which candidates are barred by law from personally controlling.

At the FEC, which is led by six presidentially appointed commissioners, five of those commissioner slots are filled by people whose terms expired years ago. The sixth slot has been vacant since March, when Democrat Ann Ravel resigned.

Trump has nominated one person — Texas lawyer Trey Trainor— to fill the spot currently occupied by Republican Matthew Petersen. Trump last year nominated Petersen to serve as a U.S. District Court judge, but Petersen withdrew in December after a disastrous hearing before the Senate. Petersen remains on the commission and Trainor lingers in limbo — he has yet to receive a confirmation hearing from the Senate.

Trump’s White House Counsel is Don McGahn, a former FEC chairman and arguably the most outspoken opponent of campaign finance regulations to ever serve at the agency.

“There was no reason to believe that Trump’s reform rhetoric would meet up with reality, and it didn’t,” said Karl Sandstrom, senior counsel as law firm Perkins Coie and a former Democratic FEC commissioner.

“I’m really rich.”

Fact check: true.

This article was co-published by Salon and Public Radio International.

READ MORE:

Billionaires and corporations helped fund Donald Trump's transition

Donald Trump offering huge perks for inauguration donors

Donald Trump rewarding million-dollar donors with plum postings

Full coverage: Buying of the President 

 

A dollar bill with an image of Donald Trump on it ahead of a campaign stop by Republican vice presidental candidate Mike Pence in Bensalem, Pa., on Oct. 28, 2016.Dave Levinthalhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/dave-levinthalhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2018/01/19/21480/actions-not-words-tell-trumps-political-money-story
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