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Team Clinton sponsored 75 percent of TV ads in 2016 presidential race

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Americans are heading to the polls today in droves after weathering endless campaign ads designed to influence their votes — especially in presidential battleground states such as Florida, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Ohio.

Here's what you need to know about the advertising assault:

Team Clinton aired three times more ads than Team Trump

More than 500,000 broadcast and national cable TV ads have aired in the presidential race during the general election, and Team Hillary Clinton accounted for 75 percent of them.

That's according to a Center for Public Integrity analysis of data provided by ad tracking firm Kantar Media/CMAG, which showed that the Democratic presidential nominee and her allies combined to air more than 383,000 TV ads from June 12 through Nov. 6, while Republican Donald Trump and those supporting his presidential bid combined to air about 125,000.

Clinton's own campaign, which raised $513 million versus the $255 million raised by Trump, was alone responsible for more than 282,000 ads— about 55 percent of all the TV ads in the race since mid-June.

During this period, Priorities USA Action— the main pro-Clinton super PAC, which raised more than $175 million — nearly aired as many TV ads than Trump's own campaign. Priorities USA Action aired about 77,000 TV ads, according to Kantar Media/CMAG. Trump's campaign aired about 85,000.

The Republican nominee's biggest ally on the airwaves was the National Rifle Association, which aired about 14,000 pro-Trump or anti-Clinton TV ads since mid-June.

Battleground: Florida

No state endured more presidential TV ads than Florida, the electoral prize worth 29 Electoral College votes, which Democrat Barack Obama carried in 2012 by just 0.9 percent.

Since June 12, more than presidential 121,000 TV ads targeted residents of Florida, according to a Center for Public Integrity analysis of data from Kantar Media/CMAG.

Team Clinton accounted for more than 75 percent of the presidential-focused TV ads in the Sunshine State. Since Oct. 1 alone, Team Clinton aired more than 39,500 TV ads there — an average of about one pro-Clinton or anti-Trump TV ad every 90 seconds.

Ohio, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Nevada round out the top five states with the most presidential-focused TV ads.

In all of them, Team Clinton aired more TV ads than Team Trump.

Clinton and her supporters aired two TV ads, on average, every five minutes in Ohio since Oct. 1, according to a Center for Public Integrity analysis of data from Kantar Media/CMAG.

Meanwhile, Team Clinton aired one TV ad, on average, every three minutes since Oct. 1 in Pennsylvania and North Carolina. And in Nevada, Clinton and her allies aired one TV ad, on average, about every five minutes since Oct. 1.

Waging the ad war en español

Latino voters could be one of the most decisive voting blocs this election — a contest in which Clinton has endorsed comprehensive immigration reform, including a pathway for citizenship for undocumented immigrants living in the country illegally.

Trump, for his part, has advocated that the United States build a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border. He also wants to prohibit children born in the United States to foreign parents from automatically gaining U.S. citizenship.

Against this backdrop, Clinton's campaign and her supporters have aggressively courted Latino voters, including airing thousands of Spanish-language TV ads.

Clinton's own campaign aired about 3,200 TV ads in Spanish during the general election, according to a Center for Public Integrity analysis of data provided by Kantar Media/CMAG.

The number sponsored by Trump's campaign? About 100, the first of which aired on Nov 4.

Meanwhile, pro-Trump groups only aired another 400 Spanish-language ads, according to Kantar Media/CMAG. Pro-Clinton groups aired more than 12,000 of their own TV ads.

In Nevada alone — a battleground state with one of the highest proportions of Latino voters— about one of every nine TV ads sponsored by Team Clinton since June 12 was in Spanish. None of Team Trump's ads in the Silver State during that time were in Spanish.

  

Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton — as well her husband, former President Bill Clinton, and daughter, Chelsea Clinton — with President Barack Obama and first lady Michelle Obama at a campaign rally in Philadelphia on Nov. 7, 2016. Michael Beckelhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/michael-beckelhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/08/20452/team-clinton-sponsored-75-percent-tv-ads-2016-presidential-race

GOP dominates Democrats in governors’ races

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Nov. 9, 2016: This story has been updated.

Despite an aggressive financial push from Democrats, Republicans cemented their dominance of the nation’s governors’ mansions in elections Tuesday, ending the night with their highest number of governorships since 1922.

The GOP flipped control of state executives in Missouri, Vermont and New Hampshire as of early Wednesday. That means the party will hold the governors’ offices in at least 33 states, up from 31. In a stunning night for Democrats on the national stage, these additional losses pushed the party further into the political wilderness in the states, where they have been struggling to compete for years.

Defending eight of the 12 governorships on the ballot Tuesday, Democratic candidates and the political groups backing them narrowly outspent Republicans on TV ads by about $2.5 million, according to a Center for Public Integrity analysis of data from media tracker Kantar Media/CMAG. That’s a reversal from 2012, when Republican candidates and committees outspent Democrats by more than $20 million.

Democrats were trying to play catch-up with the fundraising heavyweights of the GOP. Spending on TV ads was only a part of their campaign strategy, to be sure, but those commercials play a critical role in shaping public opinion.

Just three seats were considered safe for Democrats, who had to defend governorships in five of the seven most competitive races, including contests in states Obama lost in 2012 that Donald Trump would go on to win: West Virginia, Montana and Missouri.

North Carolina remained a lone spot of hope for the party that sought to flip it from Republican control. Democratic ad spending topped $19 million in the state — more than one-quarter of the $65 million Democrats spent nationally on governors’ races in 2016. As of early Wednesday, the too-close-to-call race could be headed to a recount, though Democrat Roy Cooper had claimed victory.

Democratic Governors Association spokesman Jared Leopold remained sanguine about the results. “Democrats also will likely hold all three of our incumbents: Governors Steve Bullock, Jay Inslee and Kate Brown,” he said. “Republicans initially eyed a 4-seat net gain in 2016, and it appears they will fall short.”

Now, Democrats are looking ahead. Already struggling with a thin bench of political stars, Democrats said reversing their shrinking ranks in the states is essential to the future of the party.

“To run people for president and Senate, you have to have governors getting ready in the bullpen,” said Matt Bennett, a senior official with Third Way, a centrist Democratic think tank.

Spending surges

Overall ad spending surpassed $128 million for the governors’ races alone, eclipsing total outlays in comparable 2012, when, in addition to 11 gubernatorial contests, Wisconsin held an expensive recall election over Republican Gov. Scott Walker. This year’s increase was driven, in part, by the high number of open seats. Incumbent governors in five of the most competitive races were either term-limited or not seeking re-election.

No state saw more spending on ads than Missouri, which attracted roughly $36 million— more than twice what was spent in 2012 — due in part to an expensive Republican primary. Former Navy SEAL Eric Greitens emerged from the five-way race as the nominee and spent $12.7 million on ads, more than any other candidate in the country.

The spending paid off. He claimed victory Tuesday night. With a Republican legislature, the GOP now controls the state government.

While tiny Vermont’s ad spending total was much lower, $5.8 million, it saw the most spending per voter of any state: roughly $12 for each of the state’s fewer than 500,000 eligible voters. And ad spending in the state represented a tenfold increase over totals in 2012.

But interestingly, Republican Phil Scott won the race despite spending far less on TV ads than Democrat Sue Minter. He got help from the Republican Governors Association-backed group called A Stronger Vermont but still fell behind in the ad war. To voters, that didn’t matter. He won with 53 percent of the votes, according to unofficial results.

Outside groups weigh in

Outside spending on TV spots was down from four years ago, when independent groups accounted for roughly a third of ads — but that didn’t mean those organizations kept silent. This year, outside groups aired one in five political spots in governors’ races. Moreover, two of the biggest players funneled large contributions directly to candidates in Indiana and Missouri, states that have no limits on political donations.

The latter became a national focus for Republicans, who saw the Show Me State as a top pick-up opportunity. The Republican Governors Association alone poured $13 million into Greitens’ campaign, the second-highest contribution the group has ever given in a single year, according to a Center for Public Integrity analysis of IRS data. Party leaders and GOP mega-donors also pitched in. Republican Illinois Gov. Bruce Rauner, casino magnate Sheldon Adelson and shipping mogul Richard Uihlein all wrote six-figure checks.

Democrats tried to keep up, with the Democratic Governors Association and a related group contributing $3.7 million to Chris Koster. Out-of-state labor unions and groups donated another $4.2 million. But Team Greitens spent more and won.

Outside groups also played an outsize role in Montana and New Hampshire, where Democrats who sought to retain governorships faced strong Republican challengers.

In Montana, Gov. Steve Bullock squared off against Republican Greg Gianforte, a wealthy tech executive who aired more ads than any candidate in the country this year.

Hoping to offset the Republican’s money advantage, the DGA-backed Good Jobs Montana spent more than $2.5 million on ads, flooding the state’s relatively cheap media markets with at least 13,000 airings. That accounted for more than half of all ads aired by the Democratic side in the gubernatorial race.

All told, both sides spent more than $8 million on political spots in Montana — equivalent to more than $11 per eligible voter, the second highest ratio in the country. The race had not been called as of early Wednesday. Bullock narrowly led with 49 percent of the vote, and 74 percent of districts reporting.

(Update, Nov. 9, 2016, 2:19 p.m.: Bullock was re-elected with 50 percent of the vote in the three-way race, according to unofficial returns.)

In New Hampshire, both sides battled over the governorship now held by Democrat Maggie Hassan, who ran for U.S. Senate. The Democratic Governors Association helped fund a group named Put NH First that poured more than $4 million into advertising to boost nominee Colin Van Ostern.

Aiming to pad its overall gubernatorial dominance, the Republican Governors Association funded Live Free PAC that spent more than $1.6 million on spots for Chris Sununu, a member of the state’s Executive Council and the son of former Gov. John Sununu. He won with 49 percent of the vote, according to unofficial results.

The RGA did not respond for comment about the national landscape as results were still pending.

Presidential politics play down ballot

All politics might be local, but more than one in 10 gubernatorial ads mentioned either President Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton or Donald Trump — or in several cases, all three. And that was most evident in red states where Democrats fought to maintain control of the governorship. More than one out of every four ads in the West Virginia governor’s race, for example, attacked Obama and Clinton.

With Trump’s well-established popularity in the state, Republican ads hammered Democratic nominee Jim Justice as being aligned with Clinton and the president. But Justice, a billionaire coal magnate and resort owner who was a registered Republican until last year, responded with an ad distancing himself from his party’s national leaders.

“Let’s get this straight: I’m a coal man,” Justice says in the ad. “I have never given money to Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama. In fact, I didn’t even vote for Obama.”

The strategy worked in West Virginia: Both Trump and Justice cruised to victory there.

Justice wasn’t alone. Only two Democratic candidates aired ads praising Obama, while nominees in Trump-friendly Missouri and Montana emphasized their independence from national Democrats.

“It’s just a survival requirement” in red states, said Bennett, the Third Way official.

Experts said Democrats have a long road ahead.

The party must defend the Virginia governorship next year while also seeking to flip New Jersey, before turning to 2018, when three dozen states are expected to hold gubernatorial elections.

This story was co-published with TIME. 

Billionaire Jim Justice's win in West Virginia Tuesday was one of the Democrats' few big gubernatorial victories for 2016. After attacks from Republicans such as in this ad, the Democrat actively distanced himself from both President Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton in his own TV ad messaging. Michael J. Mishakhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/michael-j-mishakBen Wiederhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/ben-wiederhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/09/20445/gop-dominates-democrats-governors-races

Donald Trump dismantles Hillary Clinton's big money machine

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In the end, Donald Trump defeated big money.

The Republican’s presidential campaign raised less than half of what Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton did. He ran a fraction of the TV ads, even in decisive battleground states. And although prominent Republican donors came to Trump’s aid during the campaign’s final days, his supportive super PACs and other political groups raised relatively paltry sums when compared to Clinton’s groups.

Somehow, for the volatile, unpredictable New York businessman, that was enough on his way to winning the White House.

More than enough.

A swell of white, working class voters, who believed the billionaire when he said he wouldn’t be beholden to special interests, propelled him in a manner that defied polls and the predictions of pundits relying on conventional wisdom for how to win elections.

Trump edged Clinton in the swing states of Florida, North Carolina, Ohio and Pennsylvania and snatched Wisconsin, a state expected to serve as Clinton’s bulwark against a Trump surge. He promised to “drain the swamp” that is Washington, D.C., and its lobbyists and professional politickers.

In a victory speech delivered in the wee hours of Wednesday morning, Trump credited his victory to voters “who want and expect our government to serve the people, and serve the people it will.”

Now, Trump has to prove it.

Trump’s relationship with big money

From Trump’s first day on the trail, when he rode the Trump Tower escalator down to announce his bid, the first-time candidate told voters he would be different. He was running against the establishment — Republican as much as Democratic.

Politicians are “controlled fully— they’re controlled fully by the lobbyists, by the donors and by the special interests, fully,” he said.

And that, he promised over and over through months of Republican primaries, wouldn’t be him.

“I really like the Koch Brothers (members of my P.B. Club), but I don't want their money or anything else from them. Cannot influence Trump!” he tweeted.

Meanwhile, his Republican primary opponents were on the money trail, setting up officially sanctioned super PACs and courting big donors.

The money didn’t help, the super PACs weren’t enough and Trump endlessly mocked his opponents for toadying to big donors.

“I wish good luck to all of the Republican candidates that traveled to California to beg for money etc. from the Koch Brothers. Puppets?” he tweeted in August 2015.

Trump insisted he would self-fund and could spend as much as it took.

“By the time it's finished, I'll have more than $100 million invested,” he insisted during the second general election debate, a figure he repeated throughout the race. He put in about $46 million of his own money during the primary, much of it in loans he eventually forgave.

Voters loved it. They rewarded him with the Republican nomination.

But after securing the nomination, Trump’s tone changed.

In Clinton, he faced a candidate with a fundraising operation unparalleled in politics. Her campaign alone raised $510 million, more than twice Trump’s $255 million, and, together with outside groups supporting her bid, ran 75 percent of the more than 500,000 broadcast and national TV ads aired in the presidential race.

Trump essentially embraced big-money vehicles such as super PACs, although combined, groups supporting him raised a relatively scant $60 million through Oct. 19. He courted big GOP donors such as casino magnate Sheldon Adelson. His own contributions slowed and his fundraising events sped up.

And donors gained influence.

New York investor Robert Mercer and his daughter, Rebekah, who oversaw one of the earliest super PACs to swing support his way, convinced Trump to reshape his campaign leadership, appointing operatives with close ties to them.

In the end, Trump put in a relatively paltry $66 million of his own — about $1 of every $4 raised by his campaign. And he never aggressively courted donors in the manner Clinton and her backers did.

According to campaign finance filings, Trump raised at least $67 million from small-dollar donors who each gave no more than $200. Many of these contributors had purchased Trump’s iconic “Make America Great Again” hats from his campaign, or other merchandise, such as the set of three “Hillary for prison” buttons sold by his campaign for $6.

And Clinton’s superior campaign fundraising machine, buttressed by the nation’s biggest-money super PAC in operation, wasn’t enough to halt Trump’s unlikely march to the White House.

Clinton had huge ad advantage

Trump spent the general election wildly outspent and facing a seemingly endless stream of ads from Clinton and her allies.

In Florida, the No. 1 target in the ad war of Team Clinton, Clinton and her allies accounted for more than 75 percent of the 121,000-plus TV ads aired during the general election, according to a Center for Public Integrity analysis of advertising data provided by ad tracking firm Kantar Media/CMAG.

In most of the high-profile swing states, the story was the same. In Ohio, Team Clinton was responsible for about 75 percent of the 79,000 TV ads aired in the race since mid-June, after the primaries had ended.

In North Carolina, Team Clinton was likewise responsible for about three-quarters of the 63,000 presidential race TV ads since mid-June.

And in Pennsylvania, Team Clinton was responsible for nearly three-fourths of the 58,000 or so presidential TV ads that aired there since mid-June.

The only exception: Wisconsin.

In the Badger State, Trump and his allies were responsible for about 60 percent of the roughly 10,000 TV ads aired in the state between June 12 and Nov. 6, according to a Center for Public Integrity analysis of data provided by ad tracking firm Kantar Media/CMAG, with the ad blitz beginning in mid-September.

Clinton, who never visited Wisconsin during the general election, and her allies didn’t air general election TV ad in the state until Oct. 29.

The last time Wisconsin supported a GOP presidential nominee, Ronald Reagan was on the ballot.

Spearheading the Republican push: Diane Hendricks, the richest woman in Wisconsin, who gave nearly $5.5 million to a super PAC that spent millions on ads in her home state, attacking Clinton and Russ Feingold, the Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate. Both lost in Wisconsin on Election Day.

A few big donors began putting real money into ads supporting him in the fall, through a super PAC, Future 45, and a related nonprofit group that does not reveal its donors. Big donors included Adelson and Joe Ricketts, the billionaire founder of TD Ameritrade. The two groups together aired more than 9,000 ads, many in Florida.

In addition, Trump far outstripped Clinton in free media, with cable channels carrying his rallies live and his every tweet making news in a race that turned both ugly and personal. “Lock her up,” supporters chanted at rallies, referring to Clinton.

His lean campaign relied heavily on the Republican National Committee’s turnout operation — a strategy that paid off.

Clinton’s big money problem

Big money can backfire as Democrats, who have often fought for dramatic campaign finance reforms, are painfully learning.

The benefits are as significant as they are obvious: a candidate may hire superior staff, purchase more ads and run longer and harder than an opponent.

But the drawbacks proved to be equally profound for Clinton.

Although she routinely decried the U.S. Supreme Court’s Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission decision, she became one of its chief beneficiaries by building a massive money-making machine that fully exploited the high court’s ruling.

While she promised to “fight hard to end the stranglehold that the wealthy and special interests have on so much of our government,” her campaign and supportive super PACs solicited huge sums from elite political patrons.

And despite her railing against“secret, unaccountable money in politics,” the super PACs supporting Clinton collected eight-figures worth of money from sources trading in cash that’s tough, if not outrightly impossible, to trace.

Money also couldn’t adequately mask what many voters perceived, fair or not, as Clinton’s damning flaws.

There’s her penchant for secret-keeping, be it delivering private speeches to Wall Street executives or shielding her State Department emails from public scrutiny. And her Clinton Foundation wooing of the ultra-rich and unsavory foreign governments undercut her pledges that she’s represent the interests of who she once half-heartedly (and ham-handedly) described as “everyday Americans.”

Bernie Sanders’ surprisingly strong challenge to Clinton in the Democrats’ presidential primary was largely fueled by liberals’ reaction against what many considered Clinton’s insincerity on matters of political money and influence.

After Clinton vanquished Sanders, a U.S. senator from Vermont, she never quite captured his supporters’ energy and enthusiasm for her own purposes.

Trump, meanwhile, repeatedly hammered Clinton as “crooked” liar most interested in her own power and prestige.

No matter that Trump belittled his opponents, exaggerated his charitable giving, refused to release his tax returns and was caught on tape describing how he’d sexually assault women.

The body politic sided with Trump over Clinton.

Draining the swamp

Trump now turn to setting up an administration, with jobs presidents often turn to lobbyists to fill, and setting an agenda for his presidency.

Voters and campaign finance reform advocates will be looking to see how Trump acts to reduce the influence of money in politics that he decried throughout the campaign.

“To the extent that Mr. Trump, while campaigning, has criticized the current campaign finance system, his only solution offered seems to be more candidates like him who are billionaires and can self finance and that’s not a solution,” said Paul S. Ryan, vice president for policy and litigation at nonpartisan group Common Cause, and a longtime advocate for campaign finance reform.

In October, Trump released a slate of proposals that he said were meant to reform Washington. He called for longer bans on lobbying by executive branch officials, members of Congress and congressional staff. He also said he would move to tighten the legal definition of lobbyists, forcing more advocates to disclose their activities under laws covering lobbyists.

He also said he would ask Congress to prohibit lobbyists for foreign governments from fundraising for political candidates, and seek a constitutional amendment requiring congressional term limits.

Trump has some measure of public faith: Respondents to a Center for Public Integrity/Ipsos poll earlier this year gave Trump higher marks than Clinton on the prospect of them reforming the nation’s campaign money system.

Still, most of Trump’s proposals are a tall order that would require support from Congress. Constitutional amendments are exceedingly rare. And much of the strength of his proposals lie in the details he has yet to flesh out.

In addition, Ryan points out, Trump’s campaign lawyer, Jones Day partner Don McGahn, a former head of the Federal Election Commission, has traditionally battled any restrictions on money in politics.

“Don McGahn says publicly that he thinks most campaign finance laws are unconstitutional,” Ryan said.

What Trump thinks about this will be revealed as he prepares to move into the White House.

This article was co-published with TIME.

President-elect Donald Trump gives his acceptance speech during his election night rally, Wednesday, Nov. 9, 2016, in New York City.Carrie Levinehttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/carrie-levineMichael Beckelhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/michael-beckelDave Levinthalhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/dave-levinthalhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/09/20457/donald-trump-dismantles-hillary-clintons-big-money-machine

Left counters election losses with ballot measure victories

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Nov. 9, 2016: This story has been corrected.

Despite massive losses for Democrats in races from the White House to governors’ officesTuesday, those on the left celebrated some significant victories with state ballot measures.

From marijuana to minimum wage to gun control laws, they won many key initiatives among the 162 statewide measures — part of a concerted plan put in motion more than a year ago to circumvent Republican-led legislatures and take policy questions directly to voters. Progressive advocates appeared to lose major healthcare initiatives in California and Colorado, however.

The Center for Public Integrity tracked how those fighting over these measures shaped their messages with TV ads, typically an expensive yet far-reaching endeavor. Media tracker Kantar Media/CMAG estimates that more than $384 million was spent through Monday just to air TV ads about such measures this election.

Here’s a roundup of notable results and the TV ad spending behind them:

Marijuana
California, Massachusetts and Nevada voted to legalize, tax and regulate recreational marijuana, though voters rejected that idea in Arizona. Maine was still too close to call as of midday Wednesday. In total, pro-pot groups spent roughly $14.7 million on TV ads for those five measures; anti-marijuana groups spent $9.2 million.

Medical marijuana advocates also had a successful night. The three states that voted on medical pot — Arkansas, Florida and North Dakota — approved the drug. In the Sunshine State, marijuana garnered 71 percent of the vote, even though anti-drug forces spent roughly $1.5 million on TV airtime, more than twice as much as marijuana advocates.

Minimum Wage
Measures aimed at benefiting low-wage workers also came out as winners. Voters approved raising the minimum wage in Arizona, Colorado, Maine and Washington while rejecting a proposal to decrease the minimum wage for teenagers in South Dakota. Supporters won handily in all those contests, having spent about $5.6 million in airtime to promote the measures, compared to opponents’ combined $670,000.

Guns
California and Nevada approved measures to require new background checks on gun purchases. Maine voters rejected a similar measure.

No broadcast TV ads appear to have aired about the California measure, but in Nevada and Maine, supporters of the measures spent roughly $7.5 million on airtime, backed up by infusions of cash from billionaire Michael Bloomberg’s Everytown for Gun Safety group. Opponents, backed by the National Rifle Association, spent about $2.7 million on TV ads.

Health care
California’s ballot measure to rein in drug prices aired about 13 percent of all state ballot measure ads, the most TV ads of any state ballot measure in the nation. Drugmakers poured millions into the campaign against Proposition 61, and their efforts seem to have paid off. Though the race hadn’t been called as of midday Wednesday, the opponents had 54 percent of the votes with 99 percent of precincts reporting.

Additionally, an ambitious attempt at giving Colorado universal, single-payer health care via a 10 percent payroll tax lost badly, with nearly 80 percent of the state’s voters rejecting the measure. Opponents, backed by health insurers' money, spent roughly $1.9 million on TV ads, while Kantar Media/CMAG data show proponents appear to have aired no broadcast TV ads.

Also in Colorado, voters approved physician-assisted suicide. The measure was backed up by roughly $2.1 million in TV advertising. Much of the funding for the “yes” campaign came from the nonprofit group Compassion and Choices Action Network, a group that is working nationwide to expand options for medically assisted death.

Education
Charter school expansion lost in Massachusetts despite roughly $19.4 million in TV ads from supporters compared with $11.8 million spent by union-backed opponents.

Campaign finance
In South Dakota, a measure to overhaul the state’s ethics and campaign finance rules passed by a narrow margin, despite opposition from a coalition led by the state branch of Americans for Prosperity, a group backed by billionaire industrialists Charles and David Koch.

Supporters spent roughly $360,000 on last-minute TV ads, while opponents spent about $40,000 on TV airtime. The measure also creates a system of a publicly financed vouchers for voters to give to candidates of their choice — the first of its kind to be enacted at the state level. A similar measure failed in Washington state.

This story was co-published with TIME. 

Correction, Nov. 9, 12:54 p.m.: Due to an editing error, an earlier version of this story incorrectly reported the result of a Maine gun control measure. It failed.

Jason Rosenberg, a sales executive with Dope magazine, attends a rally in support of Prop 64 at Sparc Dispensary Tuesday, Nov. 8, 2016, in San Francisco. California voters approved a ballot measure Tuesday allowing recreational marijuana in the nation's most populous state.Liz Essley Whytehttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/liz-essley-whytehttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/09/20461/left-counters-election-losses-ballot-measure-victories

Trump may turn U.S. foreign policy and military planning upside down

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This article was co-published with PRI/Globalpost.

As a political outsider who campaigned with venomous disdain for Washington’s national security establishment, Donald Trump appears likely to overhaul the nation’s military leadership, displace many of its top civilian advisers, and provoke turmoil inside the intelligence community.

If he keeps his campaign promises and secures the support of Republican lawmakers who will retain a majority next year in both houses on Capitol Hill, Trump will engineer a substantial increase in the defense budget to build more ships and planes, and enlarge the Army and the Marine Corps, fulfilling a long-held dream by those services and the contractors that support them.

He’s also said he wants to double down on the Obama administration’s multi-billion dollar investment in weapons systems designed to defend against attacking missiles, though these systems haven’t worked well in tests to date. And he’ll accelerate America’s production of nuclear warheads, as well as the bombers, submarines, and ballistic missiles that carry them, despite worries among budget hawks that these agenda items are unaffordable in light of other pressing defense needs.

Trump has promised vaguely that he will pay for new military spending by “conducting a full audit of the Pentagon, eliminating incorrect payments, reducing duplicative bureaucracy, collecting unpaid taxes, and ending unwanted and unauthorized federal programs.” Weapons, he says, “come in at costs that are so far above what they were supposed to be, because we don’t have people that know what they’re doing.” (The Pentagon has been trying for years, so far unsuccessfully, to bring its accounting systems up to modern standards.)

It’s doubtful, though, that these proposed reforms will produce the billions of dollars in savings needed to fulfill the new president’s lofty ambitions. And while the Republican Party’s platform has called for lifting a congressional cap on defense spending, the prospects are at best uncertain, since Democratic lawmakers have said they will go along only if the GOP agrees to commensurate increases in non-defense spending — which most Republicans still oppose. The Democrats will have the votes to filibuster new spending initiatives they don’t like, although some Republicans have threatened to alter the filibuster rules.

Mass resignations follow any transfer of presidential power across party lines, but Trump’s ascension to power — built in part on his “Drain the Swamp” campaign slogan — seems certain to provoke an exodus by those who have attached themselves to the Obama administration’s big foreign policy goals. Among them: last year’s international global climate change agreement; the controversial U.N.-backed deal to obstruct Iran’s acquisition of a nuclear arsenal; and pursuit of peaceful settlement in the Middle East that encompasses an independent Palestinian state.

Each of these initiatives could be pushed into a trash bin by Trump, if he keeps his word. Trump has called global climate change — a scientifically recognized phenomenon — an unproven foreign conspiracy, and one of Trump’s national security advisory council members is Sen. James Inhofe D-Ok., a well-known climate warming denier. (Other members include the current chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations committee, Bob Corker, R-Tenn.; the chairman of the Senate strategic forces subcommittee, Jeff Sessions, R-Ala.; former Republican Attorney General John Ashcroft, and former CIA director Jim Woolsey.) During the campaign, Trump called the Iran nuclear deal “disastrous,” but experts say it’s unclear whether he would scrap it outright. Trump likewise has said he plans to undo proscriptions on exceptionally brutal interrogation techniques for suspected terrorists, such as waterboarding — but it remains unclear how the CIA or the military would react if ordered to use such methods again.Trump's relations with top intelligence officials are already poor, due to his rejection of their consensus opinion that Russia organized the hacking of emails involving Democratic party officials and operatives.

Those running the U.S. military campaign against ISIS are doubtless even less clear about what might lie ahead. Trump has promised a decisive military defeat of ISIS, but never detailed how he would do it differently than the Obama administration. Instead, he’s assured audiences that he understands the task better than the generals in charge.

U.S. allies in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East might be wise to start reviewing their out-year military spending plans, because Trump has also promised to short-circuit U.S. financial support for NATO, Saudi Arabia, Japan, and South Korea unless each starts ponying up more funds to pay for associated military costs. The U.S. share of total defense spending in Europe by all NATO members, for example, exceeds 70 percent, although some of this spending is for forces that can be used elsewhere in the world. Washington’s share of NATO’s direct budget (for its operations and staff) is far less — roughly 22 percent — but still larger than anyone else's.

At the third debate, Trump said, “We’re defending other countries. We are spending a fortune doing it. They have the bargain of the century…We have to renegotiate those agreements.” He went on: “South Korea, these are very rich, powerful countries. Saudi Arabia, nothing but money. We protect Saudi Arabia. Why aren’t they paying?” Actually, they do pay billions of dollars to reimburse some U.S. costs. But senior U.S. officials, including Obama himself, have repeatedly expressed identical frustrations; in April, Obama colorfully called such countries “free riders,” virtually echoing Trump.

“After I’m elected president,” Trump said in an April speech, “I will…call for a summit with our NATO allies and a separate summit with our Asian allies. In these summits, we will not only discuss a rebalancing of financial commitments, but…discuss how we can upgrade NATO’s outdated mission and structure, grown out of the Cold War to confront our shared challenges, including migration and Islamic terrorism.”

Mexico and China should similarly ready themselves for tough new negotiations over trade and immigration, two of Trump’s signature issues. Mexico’s president said during the campaign that his country would not finance completion of a nearly 2,000 mile long wall to halt immigration across the southern U.S. border, despite Trump’s insistence that it could be forced to do so. Trump has also said he wants to renegotiate the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement, which paved the way for smoother trade with Mexico and Canada.

Will America be less safe in a Trump presidency? The Obama administration’s nuclear arms deal with the Russians, the Republican party’s platform says, has flimsy verification provisions and wrongly allows Russia “to build up its nuclear arsenal while reducing ours.” He has promised to modernize U.S. nuclear warheads — but it remains unclear whether or how his plan might differ from a modernization program already being aggressively pursued by the Obama administration.

Hillary Clinton accused Trump of being cavalier about a nuclear conflict, saying he had told Asian nations engaged in a nuclear competition, in effect, to “go ahead, enjoy yourselves, folks.” In March, Trump said “maybe it’s not so bad…if Japan had that nuclear threat.” He also said this is “going to happen whether we like it or not,” and that other countries such as South Korea and Saudi Arabia might also get the bomb unless the world gets “rid of them entirely.” But it’s unclear if this was a prediction or an endorsement, particularly when viewed alongside another remark by Trump last January that nuclear proliferation — including the seizure of a warhead by a madman — is “the single biggest problem that our country faces right now.”

Much speculation about Trump’s foreign policy has focused on how he will interact with Vladimir Putin. Trump has visited Moscow, where he tried to do some business, but he admitted during the second debate that “I know nothing about the inner workings of Russia.” From a distance, Trump has admired Putin for being “very much of a leader” with substantial popularity. But Trump has an exaggerated sense of Putin’s return admiration, believing that Putin called him brilliant and a genius; actually Putin called him talented and used a Russian word correctly translated as “colorful” or bold rather than brilliant.

“If we got along well, that would be good,” Trump said of Putin at the third debate. He also has said, with an odd casualness, that “I don’t happen to like the system” in Russia, but he hasn’t acknowledged the systematic stifling of dissent under Putin, which led to street protests by tens of thousands of citizens between 2011 and 2013 (Putin has alleged that Clinton, while at the State Department, helped finance and stoke those demonstrations, giving him ample motive to try to subvert her campaign).

Some Trump confidants and campaign contributors do have ties to Moscow. A Russian-American businessman, Simon Grigorievich Kukes, who was installed as the head of the Yukos oil empire after Putin’s government ousted one of his critics, contributed more than $150,000 to Trump’s campaign and a related joint fundraising committee, according to OpenSecrets.org, a nonpartisan group. A businessman who Trump identified earlier this year as a foreign policy adviser, Carter Page, has worked with state-owned Russian energy companies subsequently punished by U.S. sanctions — which Trump might want to lift. Moreover, Trump’s campaign manager for four months this year, Paul Manafort—a longtime consultant to dictators and others of ill repute on the international stage — resigned from his managerial post shortly after new Ukrainian documents surfaced that linked him to the political party of a Putin ally.

Two years ago, Trump said “we should definitely do sanctions” in response to Russia’s takeover of Crimea by military force, rather than annexation through peaceful political means. (The Russian military’s occupation preceded a pro-Russian vote by Crimea’s population, representing a classic “rigged election” of the type Trump warned about at home.) But later, breaking with a broad consensus in Washington and allied European capitals, Trump said neutrally that “the people of Crimea…would rather be with Russia than where they were. And you have to look at that.” He said his administration “will be looking at” lifting anti-Russian sanctions (which are currently slated to be renewed next month).

In short, the message Trump’s voters have now sent to the rest of the world is “Brace yourselves. It’s going to be quite a ride.”

A journalist writes material as she watches a live telecast of the U.S. presidential election standing at portraits of U.S. presidential candidate Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin in the Union Jack pub in Moscow, Russia, Wednesday, Nov. 9, 2016.R. Jeffrey Smithhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/r-jeffrey-smithhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/10/20463/trump-may-turn-us-foreign-policy-and-military-planning-upside-down

Experts who quit Panama's transparency commission produce their own report

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Ending the kinds of offshore abuses revealed by the Panama Papers scandal requires a global solution led by the United States and Europe, a report released today by Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz and Swiss anti-corruption expert Mark Pieth says.

The 25-page report, “Overcoming the Shadow Economy,” argues that, as “economic leaders,” the U.S. and the European Union “have an obligation to force financial centers to comply with global transparency standards.”

The U.S. and EU have shown they have the tools to stem the flow of dirty money in the fight against terrorism, but have failed to use these same anti-money-laundering tools as forcefully in the fight against financial corruption and tax dodging, the report says.

“Secrecy has to be attacked globally – offshore and onshore,” the report says. “There can be no places to hide.”

The new report is an outgrowth of the pair’s initial work on a study committee appointed by the Panamanian government in response to a series of news stories by ICIJ and more than 100 media partners. The media partnership’s Panama Papers investigation revealed the inner workings of Mossack Fonseca, a law firm headquartered in Panama that has helped create offshore structures used by world leaders, wealthy individuals, drug lords and financial fraudsters.

Stiglitz and Pieth resigned from the Panamanian government committee in August, saying that government officials had refused to assure the panel it had full independence to investigate and make its findings public. The government blamed their resignations over “internal differences” on the committee.

Stiglitz, a professor at New York’s Columbia University, said in an interview Monday that he and Pieth decided to go forward with their own report because they believe it’s important to articulate the global solutions to the challenges posed by the shadow economy.

Stiglitz said they wanted to address growing concerns about not only Panama but also about other secrecy havens and big nations, such as the U.S., that play a significant role in the offshore system. American banks, for example, have paid out large settlements over allegations by U.S. authorities that they failed to stem the flow of drug money and other illicit funds laundered through shell companies and offshore accounts.

“In a globalized world, if there is any pocket of secrecy, funds will flow through that pocket,” their report says. “That is why the system of transparency has to be global. The U.S. and EU are key in tipping the balance toward transparency, but this will only be the starting point: each country must play its role as a global citizen in order to shut down the shadow economy.”

Among the report’s recommendations:

  • Every country should establish a searchable public registry that identifies the directors and actual owners of all companies, trusts and foundations incorporated within its borders.
  • Governments should hand out stiff punishments to lawyers and other middlemen who knowingly register a corporation or trust “whose primary purpose is to evade or avoid taxes or to engage in money laundering.”
  • Governments should discourage money laundering through real estate by requiring the disclosure of the real owners for all large real estate cash transactions.

Pieth and Stiglitz say that the U.S. and EU have the power to force other nations to embrace these and other reforms by simply threatening to cut off access to their financial systems. The pair writes that there’s “a widely shared perspective” that secrecy havens only exist because the U.S. and Europe “have looked the other way. … These major players have yet to pull the trigger, partly due to the delay in putting their own houses in order.”

The full report can be read here.

Economist Joseph Stiglitz.Michael Hudsonhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/michael-hudsonhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/15/20468/experts-who-quit-panamas-transparency-commission-produce-their-own-report

Change of leadership at the Center for Public Integrity

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The Board of Directors of the Center for Public Integrity today announced the resignation of the Center’s Chief Executive Officer, Peter Bale.

Mr. Bale, previously vice president and general manager of digital operations at CNN International, had been based in London for the three years prior to his move stateside. He is resigning to pursue other international media opportunities.

Bale’s tenure at the Center, the global nonprofit investigative journalism organization, began January, 2015, soon after the Center had won its first Pulitzer Prize for an investigative series called “Breathless and Burdened”. His second year at the Center was highlighted by important investigations into opioid addiction and links to drug company lobbying (“Politics of Pain”) and “Science for Sale”, an investigation into the dangerous consequences of corporate-funded research in academic scientific papers. The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, a division of the Center for Public Integrity, coordinated and published its 2016 block-buster international expose called Panama Papers also under Bale’s leadership.

“The Center is a powerhouse of much-needed investigative journalism in the United States with its focus on money and politics. Its work has never been more widely read or published by partners across the US media landscape, particularly in this remarkable election year,” said Bale. “I admire the staff of the Center and appreciate the chance to work with the board and the philanthropic groups which back this vital journalism."

Scott Siegler, co-chairman of the Board of Directors, said: “Peter has begun the digital transformation of the Center in a most challenging journalistic environment. We are very grateful to him for his strength and vision. He brought international experience and a digital mindset to the Center and we wish him well in his future endeavors.”

The Board of Directors has appointed John Dunbar, the Center’s politics chief and deputy executive editor to succeed Bale as Chief Executive Officer. Dunbar has won numerous journalism accolades including a George Polk award. He is a nonprofit veteran who has also proved to be an able fundraiser.

Said Dunbar: “I believe in the Center and I am deeply honored to be asked to take the helm. I can assure our readers, our staff, our publishing partners and our funders that we will continue to produce outstanding investigative journalism. This is an excellent time to be in the nonprofit journalism business. The best is truly yet to come."

Center for Public Integrity CEO John Dunbar.The Center for Public Integrityhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/center-public-integrityhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/15/20470/change-leadership-center-public-integrity

New title for an old friend

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Center for Public Integrity veteran John Dunbar has taken over as  the organization’s new chief executive officer. Dunbar, 52,  has worked at the Center for more than 12 years covering three separate stints. He first worked for the Center from 1999-2006, and during that time created the “Well Connected” project, an investigation of the political ties of the media and broadband industries. He came back briefly in 2009 to author the organization’s landmark “Who’s Behind the Financial Meltdown?” investigation. Since returning to the Center in 2011, Dunbar has coordinated the organization’s ongoing probes into the role of money in state and federal politics and served as deputy executive editor. He was also the recipient of a George Polk Award for the Center’s investigation into the subprime lending industry.  

In addition to his Center service, Dunbar has covered media, technology and financial issues for the Associated Press; served as a project manager at the American University Investigative Reporting Workshop and worked as chief investigative reporter for the Florida Times-Union in Jacksonville.

“I’ve known and worked with John Dunbar for nearly 20 years. He is a rock-solid, no-nonsense investigative reporter and editor, one of the very best I’ve ever had the privilege to work with,” said Center founder and long-time executive director Charles Lewis. “I am delighted that he will be at the helm of the Center for Public Integrity, leading its immensely talented, award-winning staff forward.”

In between the virtually non-stop meetings required as part of his new post, Dunbar sat down to answer a few questions:

As the new CEO of the Center for Public Integrity, where do you plan to focus the Center’s reporting in the next year? 

Now more than ever people need a credible news source. The award-winninginvestigative reporting we’ve done historically is very much in demand today. We’re going to continue to hold government accountable. Studying the influence of money on government is still our bread and butter. We’re going to extend that into all areas of our coverage.

What does the outcome of the election mean for journalists?

The journalism community is confused. We read the election wrong by and large. I think there’s going to be an intense curiosity in this group of apparently disaffected voters that until now we didn’t even know existed. Meanwhile, we have a candidate who, to put it mildly, has some dramatically different ideas about the proper role of government. And we’re going to keep a close eye on the reality versus the rhetoric. Republicans have all three branches locked up. There could be a smorgasbord of new influences and policy changes, but that’s yet to be seen because the party itself seems to be so fractured. The question will be whether they’ll be able to govern — not just in terms of working with the Democrats — but working with themselves. There’s no question it’s a sea change. It will take us a whileto figure out what the real impact is going to be — but as Washington’s premier investigative journalism organization, you can bet we’ll be watching.

What does it mean for independent investigative journalism?

I think people are starved for credible information. I think they need and want a trusted source that doesn’t take short cuts or just put out stuff to get clicks. We’ve been that source for 26 years. I see a bright future ahead for the Center for those reasons.

How do nonprofit newsrooms differentiate themselves from the rest of the news industry?

We have time on our side. We don’t face the same harsh deadlines as other news organizations, so what we do is in-depth and serious and trustworthy. We can’t afford to get things wrong. We’re not pressured by advertisers. We have no advertisers. And our journalism is in demand by traditional news outlets which are continuing to cut staff, but still have pages to fill. And that demand has grown dramatically over the years — so our journalism is now regularly appearing in mainstream outlets like The Washington Post, USA Today, NPR.org and NBCNews.com.

You’ve been a journalist for over 25 years. Why do you do what you do?

It sounds trite, but I’ve always been in this to look out for the little guy and little girl, the people who don’t have lobbyists, the people whose voices aren’t heard. It’s always been about a sense of justice for me, not fame or fortune.  Certainly not fortune. The most inspiring story I’ve read in memory was Chris Hamby’s "Breathless and Burdened" series, which won the Pulitzer Prize for investigative reporting. I’ve never been so proud to work at the Center in my life. That seriesfulfilled every goal that a great piece of investigative journalism should.  It spoke for people who had no voice. It righted wrongs. It fought the power. All the clichés, but in this case they happened to all be true. I was extremely inspired by that series.

The Center for Public Integrityhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/center-public-integrityhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/15/20471/new-title-old-friend

BVI hits Mossack Fonseca with biggest ever fine after Panama Papers investigation

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The British Virgin Islands has hit law firm Mossack Fonseca with the biggest fine in the territory’s history following an investigation into Panama Papers revelations.

The Financial Services Commission (FSC) imposed the $440,000 administrative penalty against Mossack Fonseca’s BVI operation on Friday, citing eight breaches of BVI’s Anti-Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing codes and its Regulatory Code including failures in risk assessment, due diligence and identification procedures at the law firm.

The Panama Papers investigation, based on a trove of 11.5 million leaked files from inside Mossack Fonseca, exposed the inner workings of a secretive financial system used by world leaders, wealthy individuals, drug lords, fraudsters and more. More than half of the offshore companies in the leaked files were incorporated in the BVI.

The penalty is the largest ever levied by BVI authorities and followed a six-month investigation, which included on-site compliance inspections and the appointment of an officer to monitor Mossack Fonseca’s operations in the jurisdiction.

Premier and Finance Minister Orlando Smith said the investigation and fine against Mossack Fonseca was evidence of the government’s commitment to regulating the financial industry in the BVI and to working with other international authorities to ensure transparency in the system.

“Achieving this outcome in the face of intense international scrutiny is testament to the FSC’s conviction, dedication and willingness to conduct such a thorough investigation whilst holding to account those who fail to comply with the territory’s structure and regulations,” he said.

But anti-corruption activists Transparency International said the penalty against Mossack Fonseca was “too little, too late” compared to the scale of the revelations in the Panama Papers and the harm caused by offshore financial secrecy.

“It is at least welcome that the BVI has finally recognised inadequacies in the anti-money laundering controls at Mossack Fonseca, but given that it took a leak for its regulator to work out what was happening in its own backyard, the BVI’s own abilities as a regulator are inevitably called into question,” Robert Barrington, Executive Director Transparency International UK said in a statement.

“[The $440,000 fine] is a token gesture from a discredited and secretive regulatory regime that is neither a proportionate punishment for the damage caused nor a deterrent for future non-compliance.”

It was the fourth time Mossack Fonseca had been penalized by the BVI authority since 2012.

Previously, the BVI’s biggest fines had been for the two offshore service providers at the center of ICIJ’s 2013 Offshore Leaks investigation, Commonwealth Trust Limited (fined $335,000 in 2014 and $100,000 in 2013) and Portcullis TrustNet (BVI) Limited (fined $205,500 in 2013).

In other news linked to ICIJ’s Panama Papers investigation:

  • In the United Kingdom, three bank employees have been arrested as part of an investigation into insider trading linked to the Panama Papers. Separately, 22 individuals face tax evasion investigations and a further 43 wealthy individuals’ tax affairs are under review as U.K. authorities continue to probe the Panama Papers findings and data.

  • The Canada Revenue Agency is investigating 85 Canadians, and has executed search warrants and launched criminal probes as a result of information revealed in the Panama Papers.

  • Indian authorities are reportedly undertaking the largest offshore financial inquiry ever in the country in response to the Panama Papers, and are currently reviewing the finances of 415 Indians.

  • In Pakistan, the Federal Board of Revenue announced that it has so far identified 20 individuals who were named as directors of offshore companies in the Panama Papers and Bahamas Leaks data who had reportedly not filed income tax returns over a five year period. Separately, the Supreme Court hearing and investigation into the offshore connections of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s family members continues.

  • Members of European Parliament had a chance to question Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz on tax evasion and financial secrecy, as part of an ongoing investigation by a specially-convened committee tasked with probing financial secrecy in the wake of the Panama Papers. Stiglitz’s appearance before the committee came a day after he and anti-corruption expert Mark Pieth released their own report on the state of offshore finance and potential reform measures aimed at boosting transparency in the industry.

British Virgin Islands' capital city, Road Town.Hamish Boland-Rudderhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/hamish-boland-rudderhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/16/20473/bvi-hits-mossack-fonseca-biggest-ever-fine-after-panama-papers-investigation

Maryland’s plea to EPA: Make out-of-state power plants run pollution controls

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Some power plants with smog controls aren’t using them effectively — or at all — and are fouling the air hundreds of miles away as a result.

That’s the conclusion reached by the Maryland Department of the Environment, which petitioned the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency this week to make 19 coal-fired plants run their control equipment throughout the summer, when ground-level ozone — often known as smog — is most likely to form.

Ten of those 19 plants were identified by the Center for Public Integrity in September as “super polluters” because they were among the top 100 U.S. industrial sites for toxic substances pumped into the air, greenhouse gases released, or both, in 2014.

Maryland’s petition focused on releases of nitrogen oxides, a key ozone ingredient. Ben Grumbles, Maryland’s secretary of the environment, said he simply wants the 19 plants to do what his state’s coal plants must: “Run the controls — run the controls every day of the ozone season, and downwind states will benefit significantly from that.”

Ozone is bad for the lungs, can trigger asthma attacks and, researchers suspect, can harm the heart as well. And the pollutants that turn into it when baked in the sun can travel far afield.

Maryland contends that roughly 70 percent of its ozone problem can be linked to emissions from upwind states. Its petition names power plants in Indiana, Kentucky, Ohio, Pennsylvania and West Virginia, including three in the southwest Indiana region that the Center featured because of its concentration of big air polluters.

Maryland says in its petition that the power plants’ inefficient use of their controls put roughly 39,000 tons of nitrogen oxides into the air in the summer of 2015 that otherwise would have been captured. That’s because federal rules capping those emissions are based on averages over the entire summer, rather than on a daily basis.

As coal plants run less frequently due to competition from natural gas and renewables, they no longer have to use their controls consistently to meet the federal caps. That saves the plants money. But it contributes to ozone, which forms as a result of conditions on a given day — not based on summer-wide averages. It’s also created tensions between states, some of which have acted to require smog controls be run, and some of which have not.

The EPA said it is reviewing the petition.

Indiana Department of Environmental Management spokeswoman Courtney Arango called the request “deficient” because Maryland air wasn't violating ozone requirements as of 2015, the most recent publicly available ozone data from the EPA. Maryland says exceedances in 2016 pushed it over the limit, and an even tighter standard kicks in next year.

Arango said the EPA recently updated nitrogen oxides caps for Indiana in a September rule intended to reduce ozone ingredients pumped out by power plants.

“Indiana and its utilities are complying with the rule and have no plans to challenge it,” she said in an email.

Maryland officials said the new rule still allows power plants to average their emissions over time, and therefore won't address their concerns.

Maryland’s effort follows a regional petition in 2013 to make Indiana and eight other states do more to control ozone. The EPA has yet to act on that petition as required; New York and four other states sued in October to force a decision.

Indiana uses coal to make three-quarters of its electricity, and Gov. Mike Pence — the vice president-elect — has fought federal efforts to cut down on power-plant pollution. Pence casts it as an economic issue, saying coal employs Hoosiers and makes the lower-cost electricity the state’s manufacturers rely on.

Health and environmental advocates are pushing back, contending that coal is no longer the cheapest option, even without considering the costs to health and the climate. This week, a trade group promoting energy efficiency and other “advanced energy” industries said the sector— coal’s competition — employs nearly 48,000 in Indiana. That’s seven times the number of people directly employed by coal mining there, according to federal figures.

“The common misunderstanding is that clean-energy jobs don’t matter, they’re not very significant. And they really are,” said Advanced Energy Economy CEO Graham Richard, a former Indiana mayor and state senator. “These transitions are wrenching for a community, and we certainly understand a coal-country job being lost is a travesty for that family. But we’ve got to find ways of transitioning to a new kind of economic opportunity in those areas, and we don’t help ourselves by promising to retain that which the economic forces are going to wash over anyway.”

The Maryland Department of the Environment is asking the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency to make 19 coal-fired plants — including three in southwest Indiana — consistently run their smog-control equipment.Jamie Smith Hopkinshttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/jamie-smith-hopkinshttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/18/20475/maryland-s-plea-epa-make-out-state-power-plants-run-pollution-controls

Clinton got union money, but Trump won many workers' hearts and minds

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On Thursday, after Democrats’ bruising losses on Election Day, members of several powerful labor unions swarmed a Washington, D.C., park a stone’s throw from Senate offices. They waved signs with slogans such as “Stop Corporate Trade Deals,” “Tax Wall Street” and even “Bernie 2020.”

Most prevalent: signs opposing the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade deal, whose prospects for approval have now been declared null.

“TPP, RIP!” the crowd shouted at one point. 

Strikingly, unions — long a cornerstone of the Democratic party — were celebrating the death of a trade agreement negotiated by Democrats and that Hillary Clinton praised before changing her tune and advocating against it. It’s now clear that Republican Donald Trump’s anti-trade deal message resonated with many union members, and Clinton’s support among them was weaker than expected.

Clinton’s underperformance among union members came despite union bosses spending tens of millions of dollars supporting Clinton’s bid. Union-related political action committees, for example, gave more than $17 million to Priorities USA Action, the main super PAC boosting her candidacy, and more than $21 million to For Our Future, another super PAC focused on convincing Americans to vote for Clinton and other Democrats.

The AFL-CIO stressed that Clinton won more union member votes than Trump despite Trump’s efforts to appeal to workers. The union released exit poll numbers showing Clinton won union households by 51 percent to 43 percent, and she carried union members by 56 percent to 37 percent.

Nonetheless, Clinton’s support from union households was 10 points lower than President Barack Obama’s support four years ago, according to exit poll data released by Fox News.

In the end, labor supported Trump more than it did 2012 Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney — three percentage points better among union households and percentage points better among union members.

With nearly 15 million union members in the United States, this shift from election to election translated into hundreds of thousands of votes for Trump.

Trump “used our rhetoric on trade and keeping jobs in America,” the AFL-CIO said, adding, “he forged a personal connection with working people by acknowledging their resentment about the rules being written to marginalize them.”

Several union leaders in recent days said the signs of many members’ reluctance to support Clinton were visible before the election, and the Democratic Party must reconsider its approach to working-class voters. 

Harold Schaitberger, the general president of the International Association of Fire Fighters, said its politically active union didn’t endorse either Clinton or Trump because internal polling showed its members were too divided. It was the first time since 1976 that the union has failed to endorse in a presidential election. 

“We were going to do significant harm to our union” by endorsing a presidential candidate, he told the Center for Public Integrity.

Instead, the International Association of Fire Fighters gave to committees supporting Democratic congressional candidates. Since the election, Schaitberger said he’s had “candid” discussions with other members of the AFL-CIO’s executive council.

“I’m not going to speak for anybody else, but I can tell you this: It wasn’t just my members that were part of a number of the votes behind Trump,” he said.

Schaitberger also said he found it “disturbing” that “some of the Democratic voices speak about blue-collar workers, white working-class non-college educated whites, almost in a disparaging way.”

The reality now, Schaitberger said, is a Democratic party that lost the White House, both houses of Congress, hundreds of state legislative seats and governorships.

“There needs to be a lot of soul searching,” he said, and discussions about how to maintain a progressive, diverse coalition without ignoring “blue-collar white union members who have felt disenfranchised and angry and in many ways left on the sidelines.”

The International Longshoremen’s Association endorsed Clinton’s bid early, in October 2015.

Nonetheless, James McNamara, a spokesman for the union, said the membership was probably evenly divided between Trump and Clinton.

“If we posted something up on Facebook … you had comments that were calling our endorsement into question. You had just as many supporting our endorsement,” he said.

At the rally in Upper Senate Park Wednesday, other union officials, too, acknowledged some of their members had found Trump’s message appealing.

“As I traveled around the country campaigning for Hillary Clinton, no doubt, many of our members voted for Donald Trump,” said Oscar Owens, the international secretary-treasurer for the Amalgamated Transit Union. “Based on what he was saying he is going to do for America, to do for working people.”

John Costa, an international vice president for the Amalgamated Transit Union, agreed, and said he had sensed a lack of excitement for Clinton.

“The Democratic party needs to do a better job in their process,” he said. “They have to listen to the people. They have to listen to the young people and the workers, not the lobbyists.”

One prominent Democrat who agrees? Vice President Joseph Biden.

In October, he sounded a warning note about working-class voters, saying on MSNBC that “we don’t associate with their difficulty anymore.”

Donald Trump puts on a miners hard hat during a rally in Charleston, W. Va., on May 5, 2016.Carrie Levinehttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/carrie-levinehttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/18/20480/clinton-got-union-money-trump-won-many-workers-hearts-and-minds

With Trump's election, critical climate efforts likely fall to the states

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No one has to convince Tuere Brown that climate change is real. Like many of her neighbors, Brown has grown accustomed to the tide-induced flooding that can disrupt daily life in Virginia’s Hampton Roads region, where a sinking shoreline meets a sea level now 15 inches higher than it was 80 years ago — thanks to melting Arctic glaciers and changes in ocean currents.

Over the past year, the Chesapeake, Virginia, teacher has been caught four times in what climate scientists here classify as “minor” flooding, the kind that forces people indoors, washes over cars and submerges roads. In neighboring Norfolk, the most vulnerable city to sea-level rise on the East Coast, people say the water seems to spring up from underground, gushing out of manholes, floorboards and yards.

“The flooding is definitely changing and getting more drastic,” said Brown, who in the wake of Hurricane Matthew last month found swamp water lapping at the front door of her in-laws’ house across town. For two days, the family watched residents of the city’s Deep Creek neighborhood paddle canoes in the streets. When Brown’s father-in-law fell ill, paramedics shuttled him to an ambulance by boat.

“People can’t live like this,” she said.

In Virginia, a battleground state won by Hillary Clinton, Democratic Gov. Terry McAuliffe was elected as a clean-energy candidate willing to fight climate change while conservative Republican lawmakers still refuse to utter the phrase. Political gridlock left Brown and others in Hampton Roads pinning their hopes for action on the Clean Power Plan, President Obama’s signature climate policy.

The regulation, issued by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency last year, sets first-ever standards for curbing carbon emissions from power plants, the nation’s largest source of greenhouse gases. It requires that carbon pollution be pared by nearly a third – compared to 2005 levels – by 2030. The plan is America’s primary vehicle for meeting a commitment to slash emissions under the Paris climate accord.

Even before Donald Trump’s upset presidential victory, the plan faced an uncertain fate. Twenty-seven states, along with coal companies, utilities and trade associations, sued the EPA in federal court to block it, and in February the U.S. Supreme Court ordered a stay, halting the plan’s implementation.

Trump’s arrival in the White House stands to deliver a fatal blow. The president-elect has promised to “rescind all the job-destroying Obama executive actions, including the Climate Action Plan,” Obama’s national blueprint for cutting carbon pollution. On the campaign stump, Trump repeatedly described global warming as “a hoax.” He named a climate-change denier, Myron Ebell of the libertarian Competitive Enterprise Institute, to head his EPA transition team.

If the federal plan disintegrates, utilities, now shuttering coal plants and building solar farms to try to meet its carbon limits, must decide whether to stay the course. An analysis of government energy data compiled by the Sierra Club shows the nation’s power plants will likely emit 27 percent less carbon this year than in 2005, Politico reported. That’s most of the way to the Clean Power Plan’s goal of a 32-percent carbon cut by 2030 

Environmental advocates question just how quickly a Trump administration can deliver on its campaign promises; a legally binding regulation, they note, is not easy to repeal. It isn’t an executive order, “so Trump cannot say, ‘I’ll just revoke this,’” said Jackson Morris, of the Natural Resources Defense Council, one of a dozen environmental law firms intervening to defend the rule against legal challenges.

A court decision upholding the Clean Power Plan or remanding it back to the EPA in various iterations could come as early as December. A Trump administration could then water down or rescind the rule. “There’s no way to know what that response could be,” Morris said, but “it ain’t going to be fast.”

For now, experts say, only one thing seems certain: Without federal guidelines as a road map, the burden to act on climate change will fall even more heavily on states.

“If we lose the Clean Power Plan, then we lose the floor” that keeps states and utilities from backsliding, said Karl Rabago, executive director of the Energy and Climate Center at Pace University in New York. “It will be possible for states to choose to become pollution havens.”

William Becker, director of the National Association of Clean Air Agencies, a trade group representing state air regulators, predicted that utilities would have to navigate a “patchwork quilt” of state greenhouse-gas programs — a fate worse than the federal guidelines.

Already, there is a wide disparity among the states. Some, like California, Massachusetts and New York, passed laws to cut greenhouse-gas emissions and push utilities toward solar, wind and other renewable-energy sources even before the EPA rule came out. There’s no reason to believe they’ll change course.

In Virginia, the picture is murkier. In August, after state lawmakers banned the Department of Environmental Quality, or DEQ, from implementing the Clean Power Plan, Gov. McAuliffe offered a workaround: He convened a cabinet-level commission to examine what he could do under state law to cut carbon emissions from Virginia’s power sector. The group is holding “listening sessions” and in May of next year will make recommendations.

Molly Ward, McAuliffe’s natural resources secretary, who chairs the commission, said the group will focus on measures the governor could undertake without legislative approval and before his term expires in January 2018.

“The governor states over and over again that climate change is real, and the time is now to act,” she said.

The state’s dominant utility, Dominion Virginia Power, prefers an approach that would allow it to build natural gas plants and, in one scenario, a nuclear unit.

In a 2016 planning document filed with the state, the company acknowledges that “future regulation will require it to address carbon and carbon emissions in some form beyond what is required today.” Yet Dominion is forecasting a significant boost in carbon emissions from its own facilities, data submitted by the company to the state show. Its preferred plan would yield 49 million tons of carbon emissions in 2041 — 80 percent more than it put out in 2012. Because the Clean Power Plan applies only to existing facilities, Dominion could boost carbon pollution without being out of compliance.

In an interview with the Center for Public Integrity, Dominion officials defended the company’s preferred approach and confirmed its carbon projections. But they said the company would still meet the Clean Power Plan's requirements if the projections proved to be true.

“The goal is to be in compliance with the rule, and the goal of the rule was to reduce emissions from existing sources,” said one Dominion official who asked not to be quoted by name, noting that carbon emissions from new gas plants are covered under a separate regulation.

A Dominion spokesperson declined to comment on what a Trump administration might mean for the utility’s plans.

Given Dominion’s stated intentions, environmental groups are pushing Virginia to cap the total amount of carbon emitted by all power plants. The state has yet to make any decisions, said Michael Dowd, chief of the DEQ’s air division, though his department and the governor’s office “want to do what’s right.”

Tuere Brown, meanwhile, waits for the next flood. Until the 1980s, scientists estimate, Hampton Roads averaged about 20 hours of minor flooding a year. Now it’s 200 — and counting. High tides block major roads to Old Dominion University, Naval Station Norfolk and Sentara Norfolk General Hospital. The puniest of rain storms can isolate neighborhoods. Already, Brown has lost a car engine to flood waters and had to carry schoolchildren, knee-deep in water, to higher ground.

She wonders what else might happen as the sea creeps inland.

An SUV plows through water on a street in Norfolk, Virginia, during a flooding event in November 2015.Kristen Lombardihttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/kristen-lombardiElizabeth Hernandezhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/elizabeth-hernandezhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/21/20477/trumps-election-critical-climate-efforts-likely-fall-states

Judge rules against Center for Public Integrity in cybersecurity lawsuit

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A U.S. District Court Judge has denied the Center for Public Integrity’s request for access to a taxpayer-funded study about cybersecurity vulnerabilities at the Federal Election Commission.

The court’s decision comes more than 13 months after the Center for Public Integrity sued the FEC for access to the security study, which the FEC commissioned following a Center investigation revealing how Chinese hackers infiltrated the FEC’s computer systems.

The 44-page document — known within the FEC as the “NIST study” — in part provides recommendations on how to fix the FEC’s problems and bring its computer systems in line with specific National Institute of Standards and Technology computer security protocols. The study cost $199,500 to produce.

“We vehemently disagree that the study should be withheld in its entirety,” Center for Public Integrity Chief Executive Officer John Dunbar said. “Doing so does the public a disservice given longstanding concerns over whether the FEC — an agency created by Congress to foster governmental transparency — is properly securing itself against external threats.”

In its lawsuit and the requests for the security study that preceded it, the Center noted that it had no quarrel with the FEC redacting sensitive passages that, if revealed, could compromise agency security.

The Center for Public Integrity is reviewing its options, including whether to appeal the decision last week from U.S. District Judge Amit P. Mehta.

The FEC successfully argued that the security study is exempt from the Freedom of Information Act because its release “would disclose techniques and procedures for law enforcement investigations or prosecutions, or would disclose guidelines for law enforcement investigations or prosecutions.” Such disclosure, the agency continued, “could reasonably be expected to risk circumvention of the law.”

The FEC also argued that the study is exempt from disclosure because it consists of recommendations to the agency and, according to the agency, the factual descriptions in the study could not be separated from the recommendations.

In August 2015, the FEC initially refused Center for Public Integrity senior political reporter Dave Levinthal’s request, under the federal Freedom of Information Act, for a copy of the security study.

The Center for Public Integrity immediately appealed the decision of the agency, which is responsible for enforcing and regulating the nation’s election laws and providing timely public disclosure of fundraising and spending by thousands of federal political candidates and committees.

The FEC's commissioners — in 5-1 vote conducted during a closed-door meeting in late September — then rejected the Center for Public Integrity’s appeal.

Then-Chairwoman Ann Ravel, a Democrat, voted to release the study. Then-Vice Chairman Matthew Petersen, a Republican, voted to withhold the study. Republican commissioners Caroline Hunter and Lee Goodman, as well as Democrat Ellen Weintraub and independent Steven Walther, also voted to withhold it.

The Center for Public Integrity is one of the country's oldest and largest nonpartisan, nonprofit investigative news organizations and winner of the 2014 Pulitzer Prize for investigative reporting.

Its political reporting team focuses on how money influences politics and both the federal and state levels and frequently writes about the FEC’s activities and operations.

Headquarters for the Federal Election Commission in Washington, D.C.The Center for Public Integrityhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/center-public-integrityhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/29/20485/judge-rules-against-center-public-integrity-cybersecurity-lawsuit

Donald Trump offering huge perks for inauguration donors

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Donald Trump’s inaugural committee is offering huge perks — prime tickets, luxurious lodging, access to the president-elect himself — in exchange for six- and seven-figure contributions from individual and corporate contributors.

Donors in the “$1,000,000+” category will receive four tickets to a “leadership luncheon” billed as an “exclusive inaugural event” for donors in that category and featuring “select Cabinet appointees and House and Senate leadership to honor our most generous inaugural supporters,” according to a brochure obtained by the Center for Public Integrity.

They’ll also get four tickets to a dinner with Vice President Mike Pence and his wife, Karen, and eight tickets to a “ladies luncheon” billed as “an opportunity to meet the ladies of the first families.” In addition, they’ll receive tickets to a series of other dinners and receptions featuring Trump, Pence and other officials, and eight “premier access” tickets to a black-tie inaugural ball attended by the president, vice president and their wives.

The donor packages offer tickets to Trump’s swearing-in ceremony, although the packages include an odd caveat noting that “this congressional ceremony is not part of our official package; however, Presidential Inaugural Committee (PIC) will have access to tickets.”

The Center for Public Integrity confirmed the brochure’s authenticity with three sources familiar with the donor packages. Spokespeople for Trump, as well as Tom Barrack, the chairman of Trump’s inaugural committee, as well as other members of the committee, could not immediately be reached for comment.

The inaugural committee is reportedly attempting to raise $65 million to $75 million to pay for inaugural celebrations. Taxpayers will kick in millions of dollars more to pay for things such as security and the swearing-in celebration itself.

Presidents have taken varied approaches to inauguration fundraising, and they’ve sometimes changed the rules from one inauguration to the other.

In 2009, for example, President Barack Obama set strict limits on inaugural fundraising, capping individual contributions at $50,000 and banning donations from corporations, political action committees and registered lobbyists.

Four years later, Obama lifted the contribution cap for individuals. He also allowed corporate contributions. That year, his inaugural committee reported raising about $43.8 million, a total that included seven-figure contributions from AT&T, Boeing and Microsoft.

Trump has decided to accept corporate contributions, but not money from registered lobbyists, according to a report in the New York Times. Lobbyists have also been restricted from working on his transition team.

Inaugural festivities let big donors celebrate alongside the new president and mingle with incoming members of the administration.

“You can tell donors do get something out of it when you take a look at the funding sources,” said Craig Holman, a longtime government affairs lobbyist for nonprofit group Public Citizen, which advocates for limiting the influence of money in politics. “To throw a lot of money into a big party to welcome a new president, these corporations believe that is endearing them to the next administration.”

All the donor packages include “Priority Booking at Premier Inaugural Hotel(s),” allowing donors the chance to book prime hotel rooms (at their own expense, of course, and with a four-night minimum stay).

Packages are crafted for donors who contribute at least $25,000 to the inaugural committee, a nonprofit set up to raise money for the celebrations that traditionally accompany the swearing in of a new president. The nonprofit is required to disclose its donors but not until after Trump’s inauguration.

Not indicated on the brochure?

Whether one of those “Premier Inaugural Hotel(s)” might be the president-elect’s own newly opened Trump International Hotel, a luxury hotel located five blocks from the White House on Pennsylvania Avenue and along the inaugural parade route.

President-elect Donald Trump waves to the crowd as he leaves the New York Times building following a meeting on Nov. 22, 2016, in New York City.Carrie Levinehttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/carrie-levinehttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/11/29/20486/donald-trump-offering-huge-perks-inauguration-donors

Congress moves to increase judicial transparency in D.C.

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It took an actual act of Congress to steer local judges in Washington, D.C., toward broader disclosure of potential conflicts of interest.

The U.S. Senate passed a bill Tuesday that mandates increased transparency in the District of Columbia’s court system in response to a 2013 Center for Public Integrity investigation that gave the city a failing grade. The House approved the measure in September.

The legislation's passage was a rarity in the deeply divided Congress and a welcome victory for the city’s non-voting representative to Congress, D.C. Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton, who cited the Center’s probe in pushing for changes.

“The public deserves to have complete and appropriate information on the finances of judges charged with upholding justice in our city,” the Democrat said in a statement Wednesday.

The White House did not immediately respond to inquiries on whether President Barack Obama will sign the District of Columbia Judicial Financial Transparency Act before he leaves office, but Norton and one of the Senate sponsors, Sen. James Lankford, R-Oklahoma, were optimistic. 

The measure calls for making the annual financial disclosures of D.C. court judges similar to those already required for federal judges — and making those reports available to the public. While D.C. Court judges’ paychecks come from the federal government, the judges have not been held to the same standard as federal judges when it comes to publicly disclosing their financial affairs.

The measure also includes several other provisions intended to improve the D.C. court system, including allowing the courts to accept credit card payments.

The push for the bill came because the Center for Public Integrity gave the District an “F” for its poor judicial disclosure and ranked it tied for 47th among state high courts nationwide in its 2013 Justice Obscured project.

The only states that scored worse ­— Montana, Idaho and Utah — did not require judges to publicly file annual reports at all. (In light of the Center for Public Integrity’s investigation, however, Montana’s Supreme Court has since ordered judges to file the same financial disclosures as other statewide officials.)

Such annual disclosure reports typically show judges’ income, investments, debts and the gifts they’ve received. But in D.C., only two of the disclosure form’s 10 sections — “Business and Charitable Affiliations” and “Honorarium” — have been open for public inspection.

That makes it difficult for the public to have confidence that judges’ personal financial interests are not affecting their caseloads.

To change the rules, the legislation had to go through Congress, rather than the District’s City Council, because of the peculiar relationship the city has with the federal government as the nation’s capital, creating stiff odds for the decidedly local issue.

Still, the measure won bipartisan support in a Congress that has rarely been able to agree on much. Rep. Buddy Carter, R-Georgia, had called on his colleagues to support what he called the “good government bill” when it came before the House.  

“This increased disclosure will help to strengthen an important pillar of our judicial system: the public's trust in an impartial judicial system,” he said at the time.

The D.C. Open Government Coalition, which pushed for such reforms since 2014, welcomed the news of the bill’s passage and expressed thanks for Norton's leadership.

“It will correct a gap in D.C. government transparency we have been concerned about for years," said Fritz Mulhauser, who co-chairs the coalition’s legal committee.

Kytja Weirhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/kytja-weirhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/12/01/20499/congress-moves-increase-judicial-transparency-dc

Panama Papers have had historic global effects — and the impacts keep coming

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On April 7, 14 large blue letters quietly disappeared from the outer walls of an office building in an exclusive neighborhood in northern San Salvador.

One by one, the letters came down from the blue and beige stucco walls, leaving behind faint traces of the name of the law firm that had been working there just days before:

M-O-S-S-A-C-K-F-O-N-S-E-C-A.

Employees of the El Salvador branch of Mossack Fonseca, the Panama-headquartered law firm whose leaked files have formed the basis of thousands of news reports exposing the secrets of the offshore financial industry, claimed it was a scheduled relocation.

Salvadoran authorities suspected something else was going on.

Just the day before, they had announced an investigation into citizens who had done business with the law firm. They worried that evidence might be destroyed. So the afternoon after the signage vanished, policemen — some hooded in black balaclavas, wearing soccer jerseys and with handguns holstered at their waists — swept through Mossack Fonseca’s workplace.

Salvadoran police and the country’s General Prosecutor seized 20 computers. Authorities live-tweeted the action as officers invaded the law office.

The raid of Mossack Fonseca’s El Salvador office was one of hundreds of official reactions to Panama Papers — a mix of investigations, fines, high-profile resignations, police raids, arrests, national legal reforms and international conclaves.

Government officials and activists expect the developments to continue for years to come as outrage fueled by Panama Papers revelations drives politicians and citizens alike to bring light to a shadow financial system that, for decades, has resisted reform.

Since the Panama Papers broke in early April, hundreds of journalists from dozens of countries who collaborated on the investigation have published more than 4,700 news stories based on Mossack Fonseca, the globe-spanning law firm that has created hard-to-trace shell companies for corporations, politicians and fraudsters.

The responses to the Panama Papers revelations began immediately after the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, German daily Süddeutsche Zeitung and more than 100 other media partners began releasing their first stories at 2:00 p.m. U.S. Eastern Daylight Time April 3. #PanamaPapers became the No. 1 topic on Twitter. Thousands of protestors marched in streets in every continent except Antarctica. Throngs threw cultured yogurt in Iceland and rocks in Pakistan.

As a result, more than one-third of all nations — at least 79 so far — have announced 150 inquiries, audits or investigations by police, customs, financial crime and mafia prosecutors, judges and courts, tax authorities, parliaments and corporate reviews, according to global media reports and official statements. Thousands of taxpayers and companies are under investigation. Legislatures from Ireland to Mongolia to Panama have rushed through laws to strengthen weaknesses pinpointed by the media partnership’s reporting. Governments have already reported recouping tens of millions of dollars in taxes on previously undeclared funds.

Across four continents, police have raided warehouses, offices and homes. Government officials in three countries have resigned, including a prime minister and an energy and industry minister. Business executives and attorneys are behind bars awaiting criminal trials in the Middle East, Europe and Latin America. In El Salvador, where authorities raided Mossack Fonseca’s office, no criminal charges have been filed, but investigations continue.

The reaction hasn’t ended since the initial wave of responses in April. Panama Papers has produced an almost daily drumbeat of regulatory or legislative moves, follow-up news stories and calls by politicians and activists for more investigation and more action.

In May, the U.S. Treasury and Justice departments proposed a series of new laws and rules that would make it easier for law enforcement authorities and financial regulators to track dirty money inside and outside the United States.

Treasury officials, for example, proposed creating a national corporate ownership registry that could be used by investigators to pull back the veil of secrecy in Delaware, Nevada and other states that allow shell companies created within their borders to hide their owners’ identities and activities. Justice officials’ proposals include measures that would make it easier for prosecutors to force foreign banks to turn over records of their account holders and to use classified information in “kleptocracy” investigations involving high-ranking foreign officials.

A fact sheet from the White House said Panama Papers “has brought the issues of illicit financial activity and tax evasion into the spotlight. The Panama Papers underscore the importance of the efforts the United States has taken domestically, and the efforts we have undertaken with our international partners, to address these shared challenges.”

In October, Ron Wyden, a Democratic senator from Oregon and ranking member of the U.S. Senate Finance Committee, wrote to the Treasury Department and the Internal Revenue Service to demand information on what, if anything, the agencies had gathered from the Panama Papers database that had been made public by ICIJ and its media partners.

“News reports surrounding the release of the ‘Panama Papers’ highlighted the opaque dealings of anonymous shell companies around the world,” Wyden wrote, noting his concern about the use of offshore companies “as vehicles for tax evasion or possible money laundering.”

In November, Europol, Europe’s law enforcement agency, revealed that it had found 3,469 probable matches to organized crime, tax fraud and other criminality from the Panama Papers database to information in its own files. Out of those matches, 116 related to Europol’s project on Islamic terrorism, codenamed Hydra.

“The main point here is that we can link companies from the Panama Papers leak not only with economic crimes like money laundering,” said Europol’s head of financial intelligence, Simon Riondet, “but also with terrorism, Russian OCGs [Organized Crime Groups], drug trafficking, human trafficking, illegal immigration, [and] cybercrime.”

Two world leaders, in Argentina and Pakistan, remain ensnared in public scandals and ongoing probes related to the Panama Papers. In Argentina, a federal prosecutor is examining President Mauricio Macri’s directorship of a Bahamian company that he had failed to include in public financial disclosures when he was mayor of Buenos Aires. Pakistan’s Supreme Court is currently hearing a petition brought by the political opposition against Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, whose children owned real estate in London through companies created by Mossack Fonseca, documents in the Panama Papers show. The opposition has accused the prime minister of failing to disclose the family’s offshore connections and of laundering money abroad to pay for the properties. Sharif and his family deny any wrongdoing.

“Panama Papers certainly rocked the transparency world,” said Porter McConnell, director of the Washington D.C.-based Financial Transparency Coalition. “The sheer size of the investigation, coupled with the number of high-profile individuals implicated, helped keep the issue of hidden company ownership on the agenda. No government wants to be the next Panama.”

Financial hits: ‘Enormous’ impact

Over the past eight months, governments have reported using Panama Papers to help recoup or seize tens of millions of dollars in unpaid taxes or other assets, including more than $80 million in Colombia, $1 million in Slovenia and 375 pounds of silver bullion in Australia. Billions more are being traced for potential tax evasion.

Household-name corporations also have suffered due to the fallout from the media partnership’s reporting. The Panama Papers wiped out $135 billion of the value of nearly 400 publicly traded companies with direct exposure to the Panama Papers, academics found. “The impact is enormous,” said Hannes Wagner, associate professor of finance at Milan’s Bocconi University and one of the study’s authors.

According to Wagner, the financial hits to the companies in the wake of Panama Papers represent the largest loss in history following big data leaks or corporate scandals, greater than the combined market cap losses produced by the scandals that hit Enron and Volkswagen.

Companies with links to the Panama Papers suffered bigger losses after the project’s release than companies without links to the Panama Papers. While the study does not identify the companies, an ICIJ review of share price movements of randomly-selected corporations with ties to the Panama Papers reveal that the Swiss commodities giant Glencore and Britain’s HSBC Holdings Plc experienced drops in share price following the release of Panama Papers and the accompanying database. Glencore International AG appears as a client of Mossack Fonseca. HSBC affiliates were among the most active banks to request offshore companies for clients from the law firm.

According to the academics, the drop in value suggests that investors believe companies will have a harder time avoiding taxes in the future or may be hit by fines for tax evasion.

Nordea, Scandinavia’s biggest lending bank, admitted that it fell “clearly below” its own standards in many instances of identifying risky customers and potential crimes such as money laundering following an internal audit prompted by Panama Papers. The bank blocked 68 suspicious accounts but claimed to find no evidence it actively helped tax evasion.

Some of the world’s largest financial institutions have formed Panama Papers response teams, according to a survey by consultancy firm KPMG. Several have set up full-time taskforces with ten employees or more, the survey found.

National responses: Legislation and investigations

From micro nations such as the Cook Islands, whose entire population is smaller than that of Ferguson, Missouri, to India, the world’s second most populous country, individual governments are responding aggressively to the Panama Papers.

The U.S. Department of Justice and the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York launched criminal inquires relating to the Panama Papers. The Wall Street Journal reported that U.S. prosecutors were digging into whether Mossack Fonseca employees “knowingly helped its clients launder money or evade taxes.” The Journal reported that sources familiar with the investigation said prosecutors were considering criminal charges that could include conspiracies to launder money, dodge taxes, and cover up bribes to foreign officials.

Mossack Fonseca has denied any misconduct and says the firm “has never been accused or charged in connection with criminal wrongdoing.”

U.S. Treasury Secretary Jacob Lew wrote to Congress in May to say that “we must ensure that the United States can live up to its end of the bargain” in the fight against global tax evasion. Among the new rules his agency announced was a requirement that it said would strengthen the obligations of banks, securities dealers and other firms to verify the identities of the real owners of financial accounts.

Taiwan’s legislative assembly used the Panama Papers to adopt new tax avoidance rules. In July the assembly introduced restrictions on benefits enjoyed by Taiwanese companies that keep profits offshore. New Zealand’s government launched an inquiry into the country’s foreign trust rules after revelations the country’s clean reputation was being used as cover for selling tax avoidance vehicles. In July, the government accepted the inquiry’s recommendations and announced new legislation.

In October, following revelations from the Panama Papers that some former and current government officials held offshore companies, Mongolia’s Parliament debated a bill to penalize politicians and public servants who do not declare offshore financial interests.

“The issue you launched has set the public agenda and is officially becoming a law. Congratulations!” Enkhbayar Battumur, Mongolia’s deputy justice minister, tweeted to MongolTV, one of the partners in the Panama Papers, after the Mongolian cabinet met to discuss the proposed law.

The same month, Panama’s Parliament passed laws to toughen bookkeeping requirements for offshore companies and to allow Panama to share tax information with other countries — a win for foreign governments that have pressed the Central American nation for years to disclose what their citizens are holding offshore. Lebanon, another offshore financial center, also passed legislation in October to ease the exchange of tax information with other countries in an effort to avoid international blacklisting in the post-Panama Papers world.

Also in October, Ireland’s finance minister cited the Panama Papers in proposing a new criminal law addressing tax evasion. In November, Germany’s finance minister introduced legislation— nicknamed “the Panama Law” — that would increase penalties for tax evasion and enforce disclosure of Germans’ business relationships with shell companies.

Tax probes: Thousands under scrutiny

Officials in many countries are also taking direct action against citizens suspected of having used offshore entities to reduce their tax bills.

Governments are investigating more than 6,500 taxpayers and companies, according to ICIJ and dozens of its media partners who assembled responses from government agencies and public statements.

In November alone, governments in Iceland, the United Kingdom, Canada, France, India and Pakistan announced probes of nearly 1,300 taxpayers for potential tax evasion.

In Iceland, more than 100 tax cases are under review and 46 cases of potential tax evasion have been referred to prosecutors, according to media reports. Authorities have conducted more than a dozen raids. British authorities revealed that 22 people are under civil and criminal investigations for tax evasion and that the offshore dealings of 43 other wealthy Britons are under review. Companies and properties in the United Kingdom are also being scrutinized as part of an unspecified financial sanctions inquiry, the government announced. Canada’s Revenue Authority announced 85 Canadians linked to Panama Papers were under investigation for tax evasion.

France’s Ministry of Finance announced it was auditing 560 taxpayers. India’s special Panama Papers taskforce said it was probing the offshore affairs of 415 Indians, making it the country’s largest-ever tax inquiry, The Indian Express reported. In neighboring Pakistan, The News reported that 20 Pakistanis have been identified by the Federal Board of Revenue as not filing tax returns during the same period they appear linked to companies set up by Mossack Fonseca.

Resignations: Officials and executives

Top officials had varied reactions to the news they’d been tied to the Panama Papers through their own offshore holdings or holdings linked to their families and associates. Russian President Vladimir Putin’s spokesman dismissed revelations about the offshore financial maneuvers by people and companies tied to Putin as a distorted “information attack” against Russia.

Icelandic Prime Minister Sigmundur Davíð Gunnlaugsson had the bad luck of having his first reaction caught on video by a TV crew. “I’m starting to feel a bit strange about these questions because it’s like you are accusing me of something,” he said, before walking out of the interview.

Video of his fumbling response to questions about an offshore company he and his wife had owned was replayed millions of times around the world.

Within 48 hours, angry protests and political pressure had forced Gunnlaugsson step down as prime minister.

Other government and corporate officials soon followed his example.

Mihran Poghosyan, Armenia’s top bailiff, known as the chief compulsory enforcement officer, resigned after initially rejecting revelations that he held shares in three companies set up by Mossack Fonseca. A criminal investigation continues.

José Manuel Soria, Spain’s minister for industry, energy and tourism, held on for five days before he, too, left his post. Soria initially denied any offshore connection but later acknowledged his family’s role in a company in the United Kingdom. In resigning, Soria denied wrongdoing but cited “a succession of errors” in his response to the issue.

The head of a state-owned bank in Austria, Hypo Landesbank Voralberg, resigned after the bank was cited in reports about the Panama Papers. In the Netherlands, a member of the supervisory board of the country’s third-largest bank, ABN Amro, resigned after Dutch journalists reported his ties to an offshore company in the British Virgin Islands.

Juan Pedro Damiani, Uruguayan lawyer and member of FIFA’s ethics committee, resigned from the panel in the wake of reports that he had business dealings with three men who have been indicted in the world soccer body’s corruption scandal. A Finnish company fired its sales manager in response to revelations he may have helped launder Russian money through a Panamanian shell company.

A firm under fire: Authorities target Mossack Fonseca

On Oct. 5, Ramón Fonseca, one of the founders of the law firm at the heart of the Panama Papers affair, visited Momi, a bakery in Panama City known for its empanadas and cupcakes. Fonseca, a lawyer, award-winning novelist and former advisor to Panamanian President Juan Carlos Varela, wanted to mark a special occasion.

“Bought a cake to celebrate six months since the hacking of my firm without even one case in the world brought against us,” Fonseca tweeted.

Despite his good cheer on that day, his 40-year-old law firm, Mossack Fonseca, has not emerged unscathed amid the scrutiny of its clients and its practices.

Panamanian officials have defended their country by deflecting attention back on Fonseca’s firm, telling journalists that the Panama Papers aren’t about Panama; they’re about Mossack Fonseca.

In October, speaking in Munich to reporters at Süddeutsche Zeitung, President Varela said Fonseca, his former advisor, “will have to take responsibility for his actions — and ultimately face the judge.”​

Panama’s banking regulators and securities commission are conducting audits and Panama Attorney General Kenia Porcell is investigating whether Mossack Fonseca facilitated or promoted illegal activities. Her office raided Mossack Fonseca’s headquarters twice in April, on one occasion carrying away trash bags filled with shredded paper. In September, a Panamanian judge rejected Mossack Fonseca’s claim that the raids directed by the country’s special prosecutor for organized crime, Javier Caraballo, were unlawful.

Porcell’s office says authorities have made 16 on-site visits and more than 500 requests to financial institutions and law firms as part of its investigation.

Panama has fielded and sent 21 requests for help and legal assistance relating to the Panama Papers from a dozen countries since April, including Mexico, Guatemala, Switzerland, Ukraine, Senegal and Germany. Panamanian officials have met with prosecutors and diplomats from nine countries since April to assist with investigations, including a meeting with U.S. officials in September.

As the pressure has grown, Mossack Fonseca’s offices around the world have also come under fire.

Nine Mossack Fonseca offices, in the British dependencies of Jersey, Isle of Man and Gibraltar, Peru, São Paolo in Brazil, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Lugano, Switzerland, and Nevada, have shuttered, according to media reports and corporate registries.

In Nevada, officials fined the law firm’s Las Vegas branch $10,000 for failing to maintain adequate paperwork. In Wyoming, state officials fined Mossack Fonseca’s branch in Cheyenne $9,600, charging that the office had shown an “obvious disregard for the law” and “completely failed to perform” its duty to keep records on the people behind any of the Wyoming companies that it represented.

Authorities in the British Virgin Islands hit Mossack Fonseca with a $31,500 fine in April and then another $440,000 penalty in November for 14 violations that faulted weak anti-money laundering and terrorist financing controls. It is the largest fine in the BVI’s history for a registered agent.

Arrests: From Venezuela to Israel

One former Mossack Fonseca representative, Venezuelan attorney Jeannette Almeida, is being held inside a military prison in the capital, Caracas, awaiting trial on charges of violating banking laws.

Her family maintains that she is being scapegoated, telling Venezuelan news website La Patilla that she was just the lawyer who created offshore companies for clients, but not the owner of them. Almeida is detained, the family’s lawyer said in an interview, while “the real people connected with the case” have gone unpunished.

Venezuelan police also arrested the mother and brother of Adrián Velásquez, a former bodyguard of former president Hugo Chávez. Velásquez became the director of an offshore company created by Mossack Fonseca four days after the election of the current president, Nicolás Maduro.

Venezuela’s Public Ministry announced that authorities arrested Velasquez’s relatives at an airport and had seized cars, motorcycles and empty jewelry boxes. Velásquez and his wife, a former head of the national treasury office and a nurse who tended to the cancer-stricken Chávez before he died in March 2013, live in the Dominican Republic. Velásquez’s mother and brother have since been released.

In Uruguay, authorities arrested 11 people in April in the wake of reports linking the brother of one of Mexico’s richest drug lords to two offshore companies set up by Mossack Fonseca. In Israel, two investment and foreign exchange executives were arrested on suspicion of not declaring hundreds of thousands of dollars held offshore. The arrests are the first from the tax authority’s investigations into the Panama Papers.

In November, British crime agencies arrested three employees of major banks in what U.K. media reported to be the country’s largest-ever insider-trading scandal. Authorities have not commented on the news, although the arrests came days after the government disclosed that the Panama Papers were being used to investigate a “major insider-trading operation.”

Cross-border actions: ‘Get on this’

Two days after the first Panama Papers reports made news, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, an inter-governmental body that leads the global tax debate, called an emergency meeting in Paris.

Mark Konza, Australia’s deputy commissioner of taxation, chaired the gathering of tax officials from 35 countries.

Konza says that the after the Panama Papers broke, his boss told him simply: “Mark, you need to get on this.”

“The next night I was on a plane to Paris for 24 hours, and I pretty much walked straight into the conference room,” Konza recalls. The room was packed with 80 people. One by one, representatives gave status reports on what they knew or didn’t know about Panama Papers.

“The main impression I got was that everyone was under pressure from political circles to do something and reassure the community that these matters would be dealt with,” Konza said.

Since then, many governments across the world have taken action.

The European Parliament agreed in June to set up a 65-member committee to investigate potential money laundering and tax cheating.

“The Panama revelations have shown that it is too easy to hide behind such complex structures,” European Commission Vice President Valdis Dombrovskis said in proposing a European blacklist of tax havens to be released in 2017.

Also in June, the United Kingdom delivered on its 2013 promise to create a public register of the owners of companies. At a global anti-corruption summit the month before in London, in which the Panama Papers featured prominently, Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya and Afghanistan committed to do the same and join a growing list, according to a tally by the Financial Transparency Coalition.

The way forward: ‘Readiness to act’

As the after-affects from the Panama Papers continue, governments and advocates warn that progress isn’t assured – and that it will take a long battle to bring lasting change.

Some governments have taken reform off the table entirely. Seven of the 10 countries in which current or former heads of state were named in Panama Papers, have remained silent or refused to open inquiries, including Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Ukraine, where the parliament rejected a proposal to create a commission of inquiry.

“Some governments have made welcome new commitments to transparency, while others have shrugged it off,” the Financial Transparency Coalition’s McConnell said. “Until basic financial transparency measures become the norm worldwide, I worry that we’ll be in a perpetual cycle of making policy via leaks.”

Still, advocates hope that public pressure, stoked by Panama Papers, will force governments to fight for a global solution to the problems posed by offshore secrecy.

“For decades, everyone has known about tax havens and our elected officials have tolerated it,” said Alfred de Zayas, a United Nations human rights expert who recently released a report about the impacts of tax avoidance and financial secrecy on human rights. Now, in the wake of the Panama Papers, the governments and international organizations are taking the issue more seriously, de Zayas believes.

“I am optimistic,” he said. “For the first time, I do sense there’s a certain readiness to act.”

Contributors to this story: Jimmy Alvarado, Kristof Clerix, Lkhagva Erdene, Michael Hudson, Sol Lauria, Joseph Poliszuk and Ewald Scharfenberg.

Police raided Mossack Fonseca's El Salvador offices in April.Will Fitzgibbonhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/will-fitzgibbonEmilia Diaz-Struckhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/emilia-diaz-struckhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/12/01/20500/panama-papers-have-had-historic-global-effects-and-impacts-keep-coming

Journalists hang tough in face of backlash against Panama Papers reporting

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In late July, Moussa Aksar, the director of Niger’s L’Évènement newspaper, answered his phone and heard a familiar voice warning him that he was, once again, in danger.

“Be careful,” a friendly source told Aksar. “Look out for yourself and be careful what you say on the phone.”

Aksar had just published Niger’s first exposé from the Panama Papers, the investigation based on a leak of documents from a law firm that has helped politicians, oligarchs and fraudsters create and use secrecy-veiled shell companies.

The July 25 edition of Aksar’s newspaper featured a front-page story highlighting previously unknown details regarding an offshore company linked to a businessman reputed to be a major financier of Niger’s ruling political party. Copies of the paper sold out within hours.

Many citizens were delighted by the revelations. Others took aim.

“Moussa Aksar is reportedly hiding,” one Facebook user wrote, accusing Aksar of being wanted by the police for his reporting. “Has he lost his ability to make up fake stories?” laughed another. Another accused him of blackmail. Aksar suspects he was followed. He told his two daughters to lock the door and to unleash the family’s guard dogs.

Aksar and his newspaper aren’t alone among the journalists and news outlets that have been hit with blowback in response to their work on the Panama Papers investigation, the largest collaboration of journalists in history.

Even as the Panama Papers disclosures have sparked 150 official investigations in at least 79 countries around the world, they have also provoked pushback from individuals and governments displeased with revelations of the hidden economic holdings of the global elite. Politicians, business executives and thousands of their supporters have responded with vitriol, threats, cyberattacks and lawsuits, according to a survey by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, which coordinated the Panama Papers investigation.

These hardline reactions are part of a continuing pattern around the world of threats and suppression targeting journalists, like Aksar, who fight to tell uneasy stories. Niger authorities jailed Aksar for six days in 2008, for example, for his reporting on corruption and trafficking in fake medicines and black market babies.

“We are tracking the impact of Panama Papers and the retaliation journalists and media organizations are suffering,” said Courtney Radsch, advocacy director at the Committee to Protect Journalists. “Sadly, we find it par for the course that journalists are under attack for reporting on corruption. We know that it is one of the most dangerous beats for journalists.”

One of the most unexpected flashpoints to emerge from the Panama Papers is in Spain where Grupo Prisa, the parent company of major newspaper El País, announced plans to sue ICIJ’s media partner, El Confidencial, for $9 million. According to El Confidencial, Grupo Prisa acknowledged the accuracy of El Confidencial’s reporting but claimed that the Panama Papers revelations that tied an offshore company to the ex-wife of Grupo Prisa’s chairman, Juan Luis Cebrián, amounted to unfair competition.

Cebrián’s ex-wife linked the company to Cebrián’s business and said that she had no role in its operations, a claim Cebrián denies. Both newspapers are fighting for the top spot in Spain’s news market. El Confidencial reported that Grupo Prisa claimed it lost readers and suffered economic loss because of El Confidencial’s reporting on the Panama Papers. Grupo Prisa declined to respond to ICIJ’s questions and said it is “in the lawyers’ hands.”

“The editor of the biggest newspaper and the biggest radio station in Spain is shamefully starring in the largest and most unprecedented attack on press freedom in our country,” El Confidencial wrote in an editorial in October. If the suit is successful, El Confidencial’s editor, Nacho Cardero told ICIJ, “this suit would mean that journalists can’t write or investigate about other editors or journalistic companies” no matter the level of public interest.

More than 400 journalists from more than 80 countries have collaborated on the Panama Papers investigation. Backlash against members of the reporting partnership has surfaced in nations where media crackdowns are common and in nations with reputations for high levels of press freedom.

  • In Tunisia, unknown hackers brought down the online news publication Inkyfada. In Mongolia, a former environment minister sued MongolTV for libel — and lost.
  • In Turkey, a newspaper partner in the investigative collaboration, Cumhuriyet, reported that a construction and energy executive with connections to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan telephoned to lash out at the paper for publishing his photo as part of its Panama Papers coverage.  “You put my face on the front page, have you no shame?” the business mogul said, according to Cumhuriyet. “I will fight you …. You sons of bitches, don’t make a killer out of me.”
  • The Finnish tax authority threatened to raid journalists’ homes and seize documents, an unprecedented move in Finland’s liberal media environment. Authorities backed down following protests. Finnish broadcaster YLE has filed a court appeal in an effort to definitively nix the tax authority’s ongoing demand for information.
  • Staffers at La Prensa, a daily newspaper in Panama, were threatened by anonymous Twitter users. “What does it feel like to destroy your country?” asked one. Another tweet, liked and commented on by Ramon Fonseca, a co-founder of Mossack Fonseca, the Panamanian law firm at the heart of the scandal, featured a photo of La Prensa employees above the comment: “This is an act of high treason to the country to which they were born.”
  • One online poll asked whether the best way to handle the “traitorous journalists” was to send them to jail or dump them in the Bay of Panama. For months before and after the project’s release, reporters were assigned armed bodyguards who posed as their Uber drivers.

It wasn’t the first time La Prensa had to enact security protocols, said La Prensa’s deputy editor-in-chief, Rita Vásquez. The paper’s editorial team, which objected to the title “Panama Papers” and to the way some European governments later singled Panama out, said the fallout put the newspaper in one of the most difficult positions in its history.

  • In Ecuador, displeasure with Panama Papers went to the top. On April 12, President Rafael Correa used Twitter to name several journalists who worked on Panama Papers. Correa’s supporters followed up to harass the journalists for more information amid accusations that journalists’ decisions about which names of Ecuadorians to publish were politically motivated.

Correa’s tweet was retweeted nearly 500 times to his 2.9 million followers, including those who replied to lambaste “barbarian” journalists. Fundamedios, a nonprofit that promotes freedom of expression, reported that President Correa’s supporters called the journalists “mercenaries,” “rats,” “corrupt press,” and “lackeys of the empire.’”

“Government supporters then disseminated the journalists’ private information and photos, even ones where their children appear,” wrote Fundamedios.

  • Ukraine’s Independent Media Council, a non-governmental body, summoned reporters after a complaint that journalists violated ethical standards by reporting that Ukraine’s president, Petro Poroshenko, set up an offshore company at the height of warfare between government and pro-Russian forces. The media council criticized how the journalists handled the story, but said the state-run television channel was ultimately justified in broadcasting the piece.

“It was a bit like a public whipping,” said Vlad Lavrov, an investigative reporter with the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, which worked on the Poroshenko story. “But we said we stand by the story and that they are judging the story not on correctness of the facts, but on our editorial choices of how the story was told.”

  • In Venezuela, reporter Ahiana Figueroa was sacked from one of the country’s biggest newspapers, Últimas Noticias. Figueroa was part of a multi-newspaper collaboration among different Venezuelan journalists. According to the nonprofit Press and Society Institute in Venezuela, at least seven Venezuelan news platforms attacked journalists who worked on Panama Papers.
  • Keung Kwok-yuen, a senior editor at the popular Hong Kong newspaper Ming Pao, was unexpectedly sacked the same day in April the newspaper published a front-page story that exposed offshore activity of a former commerce secretary, a current member of the legislature, one of the world’s richest men and Hollywood martial-arts star Jackie Chan.
  • Reporters Without Borders and others condemned the move. “The handling of Mr Keung’s dismissal is full of anomalies making it difficult for anyone to accept it as a pure cost-cutting move,” the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Hong Kong said in a joint statement signed by associations and unions of journalists. Hundreds of journalists and citizens rallied outside Ming Pao’s office on 2 May, waiving sticks of ginger (“Keung” means “ginger” in Cantonese) and demanding Keung’s reinstatement.

Journalists who simply relayed reports of Panama Papers were also targeted. In China, media censors instructed websites to “self-inspect and delete all content related to the ‘Panama Papers,’” according to China Digital Times. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, the communications minister warned journalists to be “very careful” about naming names from the Panama Papers, including, it was presumed, the sister of President Joseph Kabila.

“Investigative journalists are used to working under intense pressure, but in countries where press freedom isn’t the norm, these pressures can become debilitating and even dangerous roadblocks for reporters,” ICIJ Director Gerard Ryle said.

“One of the benefits of collaboration is the way journalists can band together to overcome these issues — whether it’s through sharing expertise, resources, or just helping a partner to get their story published. ICIJ has been lucky to work with such a courageous group of reporters who have made it possible to tell some important stories that might have otherwise been quashed.”

A few days after publishing his Panama Papers scoop in Niger’s L’Évènement, Moussa Aksar traveled north to a town in the Sahara Desert where he often spends time in the summer. It was a relief, Aksar said, after the media attacks and the “intense” social media posts that proliferated after his story.

Now, back at home in Niger’s capital, Niamey, Moussa says the benefits of working as part of the Panama Papers team are clear, even though authorities in his country have not announced any investigation or inquiry as a result of his newspapers’ findings.

“Publishing Panama Papers with hundreds of other journalists allowed me to be part of the big league,” he said. “The protection of the partnership with ICIJ provided me with access to important sources of information and strengthened the public’s trust in my work.”

Aksar says he has no plans to stop reporting on the Panama Papers and other subjects that make his government squirm.

Journalist Moussa Aksar stands at the entrance to his newspaper, L'Evenement, in Niger.Will Fitzgibbonhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/will-fitzgibbonhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/12/01/20502/journalists-hang-tough-face-backlash-against-panama-papers-reporting

What we knew about Donald Trump’s inner circle, when we knew it

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Scroll through Donald Trump’s Twitter feed long enough and you’ll see the president-elect prizes loyalty.

It’s no surprise, then, that some of Trump’s earliest backers are finding jobs in his developing administration.

All along, the Center for Public Integrity has reported on key Trump allies who now find themselves well positioned in Trump’s incoming presidential organization chart.

Let’s start at the top:

Steve Bannon, senior counselor and strategist, and Kellyanne Conway, presidential transition senior adviser

These two joined the Trump campaign from what seemed like an unlikely source: A super PAC, just like the ones he called “horrible,” “very corrupt” and “total scams.”

Conway led Keep the Promise I back when the super PAC was supporting Ted Cruz. It was rebranded as an anti-Clinton PAC “Make America Number 1” around the same time Conway left to join the Trump campaign.

Make America Number 1 is largely a product of Robert Mercer, a hedge fund executive, and his daughter Rebekah, the director of the Mercer Family Foundation who lives in a Trump building on the Upper West Side of Manhattan.

The Mercers provide financial support for Breitbart News, the conservative site that Steve Bannon left to join the Trump campaign, and a handful of other Bannon projects.

How the Mercers affected Trump go beyond money, as one Republican mega-donor explained at a panel of political donors at the Texas Tribune Festival this September that Center for Public Integrity senior political reporter Dave Levinthal hosted.

Toby Neugebauer said: “I give her — Rebekah Mercer — a lot a lot of credit for talking some sense into Donald Trump to bring [Conway] on board and get her there, and we’ll see if it pays off in the end.”

Spoiler alert: It paid off.

Don McGahn, White House counsel

Don McGahn’s ties to Trump stretch back to the 1980s in Atlantic City, New Jersey, where Trump relied on McGahn’s well-connected uncle, Paddy McGahn, to push his business interests. Things ended on a sour note after a dispute over money.

Don McGahn is best known in Washington, D.C., for his time with the Federal Election Commission. Former FEC colleague Ellen Weintraub says he was “consequential like a sledgehammer was consequential” and “did his best to undermine the law.” McGahn doesn’t exactly share his bosses views on political spending. He’s known for pushing back against campaign spending restrictions based on free speech grounds.

Ben Carson

Nothing’s official yet, but Ben Carson will supposedly serve as Trump’s Housing and Urban Development secretary.

In a Republican primary field of establishment politicians, Carson and Trump were consummate outsiders.

The demure doctor put together an impressive small-dollar fundraising machine built on the collection of personal information from millions of supporters. Months later, the campaign reported earning quarter million dollars by selling donors personal information, as Center for Public Integrity reporter Carrie Levine predicted it would.

Most recently, Carson reportedly told friends he lacked government experience to serve an official role in Trump’s administration — although this hasn’t dissuaded Trump.

Nikki Haley, ambassador to the United Nations

Although Haley initially criticized Trump’s candidacy, she warmed up to him along with many other Republicans who first endorsed another GOP presidential candidates. Under Haley’s tenure as governor of South Carolina, the state earned a D- in the Center for Public Integrity’s 2015 State Integrity report card.

It wasn’t all bad for Haley, though. She received about $380,000 worth of free passes to University of South Carolina and Clemson football games during her first four years as governor.

Todd Ricketts, deputy commerce secretary

The Chicago Cubs co-owner had a good year.

His baseball team won the World Series, and Ricketts was one of the primary backers of Future 45, a super PAC that went from attacking Trump to spending big money on his behalf.

Betsy DeVos, education secretary

The DeVos family is well known in Republican money circles. Let’s let Betsy DeVos do her own talking about political money, from this 1997 op-ed:

"[M]y family is the largest single contributor of soft money to the national Republican party … I have decided, however, to stop taking offense at the suggestion that we are buying influence. Now, I simply concede the point.”

Diane Hendricks, Trump policy adviser and inaugural committee member

Wisconsin’s richest woman spent nearly $5.5 million on a conservative super PAC that in turn flooded the state’s airwaves with ads attacking Hillary Clinton and Democratic U.S. Senate candidate Russ Feingold.

She also made major contributions to Freedom Partners Action Fund, a super PAC backed by billionaire brothers Charles and David Koch, and the Republican National Convention committee.

Tom Barrack, inaugural committee leader

Barrack is the wealthy real estate investor behind Rebuilding America Now, a super PAC that launched some of the election’s most blistering TV ads attacking Hillary Clinton.

Barrack and Trump are old friends. He hosted a fundraising event for Trump at his California home with a $25,000 cost of admission and gave more than $400,000 to the joint fundraising committee benefiting Trump’s campaign and the Republican Party.

Steven Mnuchin, treasury secretary

It’s easy to see why Trump likes Mnuchin. Besides business prowess, the two share Hollywood ambitions and a history of contributing money to politicians — including some Democrats.

Before joining the Trump campaign in May as the national finance chairman, Mnuchin worked for Goldman Sachs for 17 years and bankrolled Hollywood films such as “American Sniper,” ”Gravity” and “Avatar.”

Kellyanne Conway, campaign manager and strategist, is seen in the lobby of the Trump Tower in New York, New York, on November 28, 2016.Jared Bennetthttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/jared-bennetthttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/12/02/20504/what-we-knew-about-donald-trump-s-inner-circle-when-we-knew-it

Center among leaders in filing Freedom of Information Act suits

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The Center for Public Integrity is a national leader among news outlets in its use of Freedom of Information Act litigation to seek data from government agencies, according to a new survey.

The Center has taken federal agencies to court 17 times since 2000 for failing to hand over public records, ranking it third among news organizations that have filed lawsuits under the Freedom of Information Act, according to the survey. Among those that ranked behind the Center: the Associated Press, Fox News, Bloomberg and the Los Angeles Times. The survey leaders were the New York Times and Jason Leopold of Vice News. 

The new report is the work of the FOIA project, a new initiative from the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC) at Syracuse Universe; TRAC is a data research organization that tracks staffing, spending and enforcement activities of the federal government. The FOIA project published a list early last week of 369 news organizations and individuals that have filed lawsuits under FOIA since late 2000.

Attorney Peter Smith, research editor for the Center, has filed all 17 lawsuits for the Center, ten of which the Center either won or settled. In response to these lawsuits, federal agencies have disclosed records involving government contracts related to Iraq and Afghanistan, George W. Bush’s initiative to fight AIDS in foreign countries, and audits of the Medicare Advantage program.

"The 17 represent just a small fraction of the thousands of FOIA requests that the Center’s reporters have made to the federal government since 2000. Most of the time, our reporters are able to get the information they need without resorting to the courts,” said Smith. “If that doesn’t work, we have the option of filing a lawsuit."

Smith added that "over the years, most federal agencies have become more professional and organized in the way they process FOIA requests.”  Even so, he said, it still can take months or years to get documents released, “and the government too often uses the exemptions written into the statute to withhold information that the public has a vital interest in knowing."

The Center's most recent FOIA battle : fighting for access to an FEC security study, which the agency commissioned following a Center investigation revealing how Chinese hackers infiltrated the FEC's computer system. Just last week a U.S. District Court Judge denied the Center's request for access to the cybersecurity study. 

“Fighting for access to public records will always be a core part of our mission of revealing fraud and abuse of the public trust,” said Center for Public Integrity CEO John Dunbar. “Sunlight really is the best disinfectant.”

Sophia Jabeen Qureshihttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/sophia-jabeen-qureshihttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/12/06/20510/center-among-leaders-filing-freedom-information-act-suits

Meet the 10 shadowy groups that snuck into your state races

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The bromide says all politics are local. But if examined closely, state politics are looking quite national these days.

Some independent groups ensconced in offices around D.C. and New York have been running their own shadow campaigns to affect the outcomes of races for governor, legislators, state supreme court justices and more around the country.

Overall, independent political groups such as these have taken on a larger role in shaping the messages about who to choose for political office, sponsoring about 1 in every 5 political TV ads about state political races since 2010, according to a Center for Public Integrity analysis of six years of data from Kantar Media/CMAG.

That’s far more than the roughly 1 in 10 ads that ran in 2010, the year that political spending was rocked by the landmarkU.S. Supreme Court Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission opinion and related cases. Those decisions opened the door for such groups by ruling that nonprofits, corporations and labor unions could spend unlimited cash to persuade people to vote for specific candidates.

Since then, hundreds of groups have jumped in to try to sway races for state offices. And TV ads became one of their most effective tools. In the last three years alone, they have spent an estimated $330 million on TV ads.

These groups often act as mudslingers that can trash candidates without repercussions.

The source of their money is sometimes hard to determine, hidden by tax laws, local-sounding aliases such as "Putting Kentucky First" or daisy-chain giving from group to group that make it nearly impossible for voters to know who is trying to influence their votes.

Need help spotting them in the wild? Here’s a field guide to the top 10 national groups that shaped state races in the past three years, based on the TV advertising purchased by the groups and their affiliates:

 

 

Kytja Weirhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/kytja-weirChris Zubak-Skeeshttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/chris-zubak-skeesBen Wiederhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/authors/ben-wiederhttps://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/12/08/20511/meet-10-shadowy-groups-snuck-your-state-races
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